Thursday, 27 September 2012

Central Issue behind the Constitutions of Clarendon


The central issue consequent upon the Constitutions of Clarendon was Libertas Ecclesiae, the Freedom and Honour of the Church from state or temporal interference. This was what Becket claimed he was fighting for.

The Church claimed the right to the salvation of the souls of everyone in Christendom, which meant controlling their behaviour and thoughts. The state claimed authority over all temporal matters. Becket believed he was protecting the Church from the tyranny of Henry II. Henry declared Becket to be a traitor in respect of his feudal rights as king to be the supreme authority in his kingdom.

The historian, Lyttelton, a strong believer in the rights of Parliament, took a contrary view to Becket's efforts in this direction.
Extract from


...
Nor had the cause he maintained the least connexion with their liberty we suppose that their liberty consisted in the church and all churchmen independent on state according to the principles of Gregory the Seventh. This most evidently appears from  the account I have given of the whole process of long dispute with the crown on the authority of his letters and those of his friends and the companions of his exile. But as some persons think any opposition to a king a struggle for liberty so others wish to recommend this prelate in that light to the esteem and favor of those who would not respect him as a martyr for popery in its most extravagant claims. A late writer more ingenious than accurate or impartial speaks of him as a guardian of rights of the subject and standing in the breach against an arbitrary power which would have ever turned them. One should imagine from these words that the Constitutions of Clarendon had been ordinances imposed not by the whole legislature but by the arbitrary power of King Henry the Second. Whereas they not only were enacted by the advice and authority of parliament but after a strict enquiry into what was the law and custom of the land before that time which these statutes did no more than revive and confirm. The preamble to them says 

in præscentia ejusdem regis facta est ista recordatio vel recognitio ejusdam partis consuetudinum et libertatum et dignitatum antecessorum suorum videlicet, regis Henrici avi sui et aliorum qua observari et teneri debent in regno. 

What Becket opposed even after this act of parliament to which he had consented is here declared by the voice of the whole legislature to be a recognition of customs and liberties and dignities of the king's ancestors namely of King Henry the First and others which ought to be observed and maintained in the realm. It was therefore the authority of the law and of the legislature of England not the lawless will or the arbitrary power of the king against which Becket directed that opposition for which he has been sainted. The great Charter [Magna Carta] does indeed begin with a confirmation of the rights and liberties of the church 

Imprimis concessimus Deo et hac præsenti carta nostra confirmavimus pro nobis et hæredibus nostris in perpetuum li quod Anglicana ecclesia libera fit et habeat omnia jura sua integra et libertates suas illæsas. 

But it must be supposed that these rights and liberties of the church were defined and limited by the laws and customs of the realm and by that right which is inherent in the supreme magistrate of every civil society to administer justice impartially to all his people. That under the notion of ecclesiastical liberty the clergy meant dominion appears undeniably from numberless facts in those times and is plainly declared by a clergyman contemporary with Becket who speaking of the agreement between King Stephen and Henry Plantagenet which as it was made by the mediation of the bishop of Winchester he supposed would confirm the pretensions of the church in their whole extent cries out with a kind of rapture Clerus mine demum dominabitur. But Henry in concurrence with the whole legislature at the council of Clarendon opposed the accomplishment of this prediction and as far as it could be done without an entire reformation from popery resisted that dominion.

On what foundation the abovementioned writer affirms that the whole nation at the accession of King Henry the Second was in the utmost consternation lest he should avail himself of the title of Conquest and set aside the rights of the people in imitation of the founder of the Norman line I am at a loss to discover. Not one of the many contemporary writers says any thing like it but all their histories are full of the national joy on that event. His treaty with Stephen was an unsurmountable bar to any title by conquest if he had ever thought of setting up so wild a claim which it was impossible he could do as he had not even a victory on which to ground it. While he was in arms against Stephen he had been chiefly supported by the English themselves and after the death of that king the whole nation unanimously submitted to his government without a blow being struck against his right of succession.


Libertas Ecclesiae or Freedom of the Church

A very important issue in and one of the central themes which spanned across the whole of the Medieval period was the concept of Libertas Ecclesiae or Freedom of the Church which spread across the whole of Western Christendom. In England this importance finds itself expressed in various coronation charters of its kings and very explicitly in Magna Carta (1215) in clause 1 (and clause 63, and implied in other clauses) of that charter

Henry I Coronation Charter or Charter of Liberties

In this Charter in Clause 1 Henry I promises
...
Know that by the mercy of God and the common counsel of the barons of the whole kingdom of England I have been crowned king of this said kingdom; and because the kingdom has been oppressed by unjust exactions, I, through fear of God and the love which I have toward you all, in the first place make the holy church of God free, so that I will neither sell nor let out to farm, nor on the death of archbishop or bishop or abbot will I take anything from the church’s demesne or from its men until the successor shall enter it.

And I take away all the evil customs by which the kingdom of England was unjustly oppressed; which evil customs I here set down in part:
...
Magna Carta Clause 1

...
1. In the first place we have granted to God, and by this our present charter confirmed for us and our heirs forever, that the English church shall be free, and shall have its rights entire, and its liberties inviolate; and we will that it be thus observed; which is apparent from this that the freedom of elections, which is reckoned to be of the greatest necessity and importance to the English church, we, of our pure and unconstrained will, did grant, and did by our charter confirm and did obtain the ratification of the same from the lord Pope Innocent III, before the quarrel arose between us and our barons: and this we will observe, and our will is that it be observed in good faith by our heirs forever. We have also granted to all the free men of our realm, for us and our heirs for ever, all the liberties written below, to have and to hold to them and their heirs, of us and our heirs.
...

Origin of Libertas Ecclesiae

From whence does this Liberty arise? What precedents does it have? Why is it possible? Throughout the Medieval period the issue of the Freedom of the Church arose repeatedly. And kings' promises were broken again and again.

In Christian cosmography there are two kingdoms The Kingdoms of Heaven and Earth. God rules directly in Heaven, and He has delegated the Kingdom on Earth to be ruled by Men.

The Kingdom on Earth under the Gelasian Theory of the Two Swords is itself divided into two realms or swords: Sacerdotium (the Spiritual realm) and Imperium (the Secular or Worldly  realm).Of the two realms the senior or more important of the two is the Spiritual one over and above the Secular realm. God has made the ruler of the Spiritual realm on Earth  and placed the Pope. The Secular realm is further divided into Empires (grouping of minor kingdoms, principalities and duchies), and independent Kingdoms.The two realms are meant to work in partnership: the stronger realm [imperium] is meant to protect the weaker [sacerdotium]; that is its prime duty. It is allowed to bear arms in executing this duty. The weaker realm [sacerdotium] is meant to pray for the souls of the Emperors and Kings, and give moral guidance, and to strive for peace on Earth. The priesthood do not bear arms.

Implicit in the authority and rulership of the Sacerdotium above the Imperium is the fact that the priesthood, Popes or Archbishops anoint Emperors and Kings. The very legal authority to rule is granted by the Church to the King or Emperor during the coronation ceremony. The classical precedence for this is Zadok the Priest crowning Solomon in the biblical account of the anointing of Solomon: 1 Kings 1:38-40 https://goo.gl/Y3Rifr]

Popes and Emperora/Kings each have followers or subordinates over whom they rule, and expect complete allegiance and obedience from. The subornates owe a duty of service to their overseers.

Amidst the Kingdom on Earth there is a hugely evil force, led by Satan and the Fallen Angels who will try to tempt Man into commiting sin, causing his to go astray. The Church is there to provide Man with moral guidance how to avoid this temptation and to seek salvation of his soul before he dies, and his damnation becomes irrevocable..All of Mankind priesthood or princes are subject to the temptations of the Devil.

The Church [sacerdotium] is Free from interference in its internal affairs from the Secular [imperium] authority because it is the senior partner. The junior partner may not enslave or rule over, or oversee the senior partner. that's the Theory of Libertas Ecclesiae.

Kings however may include representatives of the Church to come to their Councils to discuss matters concerning the running of their kingdoms, to seek their moral guidance and listen to their advice. Kings may even recommend who is appointed to the senoir positions in the church hierarchy in their lands. But ultimately it is the Church who elects who is appointed to these posts. Kings may grant land and money, and endow monasteries for the good their souls to sustain the priesthood in its role. But ultimately the Church is Free from interference by Kings.

In support of the latter thesis John of Salisbury describes in Policratus Book V Chapter 2 a classical reference which would have strongly confirmed his point of view this had he not falsely invented the classical reference.

Johannes (Sarisberiensis) (1990). Cary Nederman, tr and ed. John of Salisbury: Policraticus. Book V Chapter 1 ->: Cambridge University Press. pp. 65. ISBN 978-0-521-36701-1.
https://goo.gl/4EAKjk

In which he claims and ascribes Plutarch has written a letter to the Emperor Trajan explaining what a Republic [or State] is and describing that it is ruled by rational and moral forces, and that there exists a State religion whose vicars or prefects have a moral authority and guidance over the whole Body of State, and that Emperors should heed this. Although a false reference to the classics this does not overule the fact that the Roman Cathoici Church believed itself to be superior to the Secular authorities in the varous kingdoms of Europe..

John of Salisbury was a strong advocate for Freedom of the Church, and supported Thomas Becket throughout his career and cause.

If Thomas Becket fought and was martyred for anything it was for Libertas Ecclesiae.

References B

A Companion To John Of Salisbury Chapter 8 https://goo.gl/Lm8YEk
Cary J.Nederman: John of Salisbury's Political Theory

John of Salisbury and Pseudo-Plutarch
H. Liebeschütz
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
Vol. 6 (1943), pp. 33-39
Published by: The Warburg Institute
DOI: 10.2307/750420
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/750420
https://goo.gl/k3hPSb

Kate Langdon Forhan; Cary Joseph Nederman (23 July 2013). Medieval Political Theory: A Reader: The Quest for the Body Politic 1100-1400. Routledge. pp. 41. ISBN 978-1-136-12356-6.
https://goo.gl/mFVB62

The importance of the organism in the political theory of John of Salisbury
Tilman Struve
https://doi.org/10.1017/S0143045900003355

THE PHYSIOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ORGANIC METAPHOR IN JOHN OF SALISBURY'S "POLICRATICUS"
Cary J. Nederman
History of Political Thought
Vol. 8, No. 2 (Summer 1987), pp. 211-223
Published by: Imprint Academic Ltd.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/26213292


References from Blog Constitutions of Clarendon

Gelasian Theory or the Theory of the Two Swords - https://goo.gl/SnNp7u

Libertas Ecclesiae - https://goo.gl/pVQ2x4

Henry I's Charter of Liberties - https://goo.gl/8P6T1w

Magna Carta (1215 and 1225) - Chapters 1 (and 63): The Freedom of the English Church
- https://goo.gl/5ey5hs

Central Issue behind the Constitutions of Clarendon - https://goo.gl/bXTmJv

Table of Contents to Blog - https://goo.gl/baWNBy


References A

Constitutions of Clarendon: Libertas Ecclesiae

W. L. Warren (1977). Henry II. University of California Press. pp. 242–. ISBN 978-0-520-03494-5. 

Christopher Harper-Bill; Nicholas Vincent (2007). Henry II: New Interpretations. Boydell Press. pp. 7–. ISBN 978-1-84383-340-6.  

Why Religious Liberty (and Thomas Becket) Really Matters - Online Library of Law & Liberty 

Andrew Lythall (2009). How Did the Murder of St. Thomas Becket Affect the Relationship Between Church and State in England 1170-1215?. GRIN Verlag. ISBN 978-3-640-45817-2.

William Stubbs (1867). Gesta regis Henrici Secundi Benedicti abbatis: the chronicle of the reigns of Henry II. and Richard I. A.D. 1169-1192; known commonly under the name of Benedict of Peterborough. Was Henry II a Tyrant?: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer. pp. 22–.


R. Jason Richards, A Primer on the Origins and Implications of The Thomas Becket Affair, 1 LINCOLN MEM’L U. L. REV. 145 (2014). 
A Primer on the Origins and Implications of The Thomas Becket Affair  


 

Northampton Castle


In 1164 at Northampton Castle a Grand Council was summoned by Henry II, to try Becket for embezzlement of public money and insulting the King. Becket was to be imprisoned and his moveables to be confiscated. He escaped 






David Knowles (2 January 1951).. Cambridge University Press. pp. 169–. ISBN 978-0-521-05493-5





Northamptonshire. CUP Archive. pp. 132–. GGKEY:NWFKRLQ8J4K





Comparing the Preamble to Magna Carta


Format of The Constitutions of Clarendon

Compare the format and content of the preamble of Magna Carta [1215] with that of the Constitutions

Magna Carta

Johannes del gracia rex Anglie, dominus Hibernie, dux Normannie, Aquitannie et comes Andegravie, archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus, justiciariis, forestariis, vicecomitibus, prepositis, ministris et et omnibus ballivis et fidelibus suis salutem

John, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou, to the archbishop, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justiciaries, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his bailiffs and liege subjects, greetings.

Sciatis nos intuitu Dei et pro salute anime nostre et omnium antecessorum et heredum nostrorum ad honorem Dei et exaltacionem sancte Ecclesie, et emendacionem regni nostri, per consilium venerabilium patrum nostrorum, Stephani Cantuariensis archiepsicopi, tocius Anglie primatis et sancte Romane ecclesie cardinalis, Henrici Dublinensis archiepiscopi, Willelmi Londoniensis, Petri Wintoniensis, Joscelini Bathoniensis et Glastoniensis, Hugonis Lincolniensis, Walteri Wygorniensis, Willelmi Coventriensis, et Benedicti Roffensis, episcoporum; magistri Panduli domini pape subdiaconi et familiaris, fratris Aymerici magistri milicie Templi in Anglia; et nobilium virorum Willelmi Mariscalli comitis Penbrocie, Willelmi comitis Sarrisberie, Willelmi comitis Warennie, Willelmi comitis Arundellie, Alani de Galewey constabularii Scocie, Warini alii Geroldi, Petri alii Hereberti, Huberti de Burgo senescalli Pictavie, Hugonis de Nevilla, Mathei alii Hereberti, Thome Basset, Alani Basset, Philippi de Albiniaco, Roberti de Roppel’, Johannis Mariscalli, Johannis alii Hugonis et aliorum fidelium nostrum.

Know that, having regard to God and for the salvation of our soul, and those of all our ancestors and heirs, and unto the honour of God and the advancement of his holy Church and for the rectifying of our realm, we have granted as underwritten by advice of our venerable fathers, Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Henry, archbishop of Dublin, William of London, Peter of Winchester, Jocelyn of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh of Lincoln, Walter of Worcester, William of Coventry, Benedict of Rochester, bishops; of Master Pandulf, subdeacon and member of the household of our lord the Pope, of brother Aymeric (master of the Knights of the Temple in England), and of the illustrious men William Marshal, earl of Pembroke, William, earl of Salisbury, William, earl of Warenne, William, earl of Arundel, Alan of Galloway (constable of Scotland), Waren Fitz Gerold, Peter Fitz Herbert, Hubert De Burgh (seneschal of Poitou), Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip d’Aubigny, Robert of Roppesley, John Marshal, John Fitz Hugh, and others, our liegemen.


References

 Andrew Lythall (October 2009). How Did the Murder of St. Thomas Becket Affect the Relationship Between Church and State in England 1170-1215?. GRIN Verlag. ISBN 978-3-640-45817-2.

Mulligan, R. F. (2004).
Spontaneously evolved social order versus positive legislation in English constitutional history.
The Review of Austrian Economics, 17(1), 41-65.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/B%3ARAEC.0000011336.74494.5b

Mulligan, R. F. (2005).
The common law character of English charters: Spontaneous order in the constitutions of Clarendon (1164).
Constitutional Political Economy, 16(3), 285-311.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10602-005-2835-0

Tuesday, 25 September 2012

Ordinance Establishing Spiritual Courts in England in 1072


Following a council held in 1072 William the Conqueror  issued an ordinance withdrawing spiritual pleas from the hundred courts. This led to the establishment of ecclesiastical courts in England

From


Ordinance of William I., separating the Spiritual and Temporal Courts. 

William by the grace of God King of the English, to R. Bainard and G. de Magnavilla, and P. de Valoines, and to my other faithful ones of Essex and of Hertfordshire and of Middlesex, greeting. Know all of you and my ther faithful ones who remain in England, that in a common council and by the advice of the archbishops and bishops, and abbots, and of all the princes of my kingdom, I have decided that the episcopal laws, which up to my time in the kingdom of the English have not been right or "according to the precepts of the holy canons, shall be emended. Wherefore I command, and by royal authority decree, that no bishop or archdeacon shall any longer hold, in the hundred court, pleas pertaining to the episcopal laws, nor shall they bring before the judgment of secular men any case which pertains to the rule of souls; but whoever shall be summoned, according to the episcopal laws, in any case or for any fault, shall come to the place which the bishop shall choose or name for this purpose, and shall there answer in his case or for his fault, and shall perform his law before God and his bishop not according to the hundred court, but according to the canons and the episcopal laws. But if any one, elated by pride, shall scorn or be unwilling to come before the judgment seat of the bishop, he shall be summoned once and a second and a third time; and if not even then he come to make amends, he shall be excommunicated; and, if it be needful to give effect to this, the power and justice of the king or the sheriff shall be called in But he who was summoned before the judgment seat of the bishop shall, for each summons, pay the episcopal fine. This also I forbid and by my authority interdict, that any sheriff, or provost, or minister of the king, or any layman concern himself in the matter of laws which pertain to the bishop, nor shall any layman summon another man to judgment apart from the jurisdiction of the bishop. But judgment shall be passed in no place except within the episcopal see, or in such place as the bishop shall fix upon for this purpose.

In Latin


Other references

Principles of Western Civilisation. Forgotten Books. pp. 476–. ISBN 978-1-4400-5718-2.



http://www.infobarrel.com/William_the_Conqueror_and_the_reform_of_the_English_Church





William I and the Church Courts

Colin Morris
The English Historical Review
Vol. 82, No. 324 (Jul., 1967), pp. 449-463
Published by: Oxford University Press
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/559422


Felix Makower (1 July 2003). Constitutional History and Constitution of the Church of England. Kessinger Publishing. pp. 393–. ISBN 978-0-7661-7451-1.

Monday, 24 September 2012

Canon Law and The Canonical System


Canon Law was sacerdotium as opposed to imperium or regnum. According to Pope Gregory VII it was derived from the sacred law of Heaven. The Church of Rome had a common and universal system of law, common to all lands and provinces owing spiritual allegiance to the Bishop of Rome. All of Western Europe, and Christendom were subject to one tribunal of last resort, the Roman Curia, to which appeals could be made. Popes acted as the primary source and lawgivers of the Canon Law. In Canon Law the unit of wrongdoing was the commission of a sin, for which the exaction of a penance had to be exacted from the wrongdoer. Canon Law sought repentance from sinners, for the salvation of their souls. A canon was originally a rule adopted by a council; these canons formed the foundation of canon law.
Appeals to the Roman Curia were encouraged, and could be undertaken at any time during the progress of a case through the ecclesiatical courts. In his role as head of the Catholic Church of Rome, the Pope was more than just a president of a system of appeal courts. The Pope's decision and advice on any matter of Canon Law could be sought at any time. A science and kind of case law evolved which was very different from English customary law. In the case of Canon Law it was the Pope's Dicta on cases which formed the law, and not the decisions "Specia Facta" of any given case. Fundamentally this was very different from the system of and way English customary law worked, which was itself evolving at this period.

Canon Law was largely a collection of the precedents made by the several Popes over the years, The precedents were documented in the form of Papal Decretals. Papal Decretals were known as the "jus novum" as opposed to the "jus antiquum" of the Old Law. The Old Law was the law of the Church Fathers, and interpretations of the Bible, and mixtures of Roman Law and the Theodosian Code.

In Spain during the 7th century a comprehensive compilation or collection of the Canon Laws and Papal Decretals had been drawn up, known as the Hispana or Isidoriana, attributed to Saint Isidore of Seville (560-636). From Spain the Hispana had made its way into France. It was here that it camee into the hands of forgers, in the area around Le Mans and Rheims, the heart of Frankland.

For the governance of Canon Law a system of Ecclesiastical Courts was set up, separate from any secular or royal system of justice. These had been introduced into England under William I.

One powerful factor in favour of the  Canon Law was that it was a relatively fully-documented legal system, supported by an academic authority [Gratian], and enforced by the most powerful spiritual authority in Western Christendom, namely the Papacy and the Roman Catholic Church. The greatest principles that both Roman and Canon Law had to teach was that all their matter was arranged systematically.

James J. Spigelman (2004). Becket & Henry: The Becket Lectures. James Spigelman. pp. 134–. ISBN 978-0-646-43477-3.
...
medieval canon law of the Church had a similar rule: an issue was subject to canon law, if canon law said it was. The Church proclaimed its constitutional authority to be superior.
...

Ages of Canon Law
Before Gratian = ius vetus
Canon Law from Gratian to the Council of Trent = ius novum


Summary of some of the essential points in

James A. Brundage (2014). Medieval Canon Law. Appendix I: The Romano-Canonical Citation System: Routledge. pp. 190–. ISBN 978-1-317-89534-3.

Gratian was a teacher of Canon Law at Bologna University. He flourished around the year 1140. His magnum opus was called the Decretum of Gratian [Decretum Gratiani] subtitled [Concordia discordantur canonum] or the Concord of Discordant Canons. It was a work containing all in all 3945 canons compiled from the works and records of the church councils, papal letters, penitentaries,  fathers of the church, , St. Augustine, and St. Jerome. 

It is divided into three parts

Pars I is divided into 101 distinctions [Distinctiones] containing overall 973 canons. Each distinction might comprise one of more closely related canons on a given topic.

Pars II comprises 36 Cases [Causae], each case describing a situation and having one or more Questions [Quaestiones] concerningit, and once or more Chapters [Capitula] or Canons per Question. All in all there are 2476 Capitula in Pars II. Gratian states the authority for each and gives commentary on each, and where two or more canons contradict each other he gives an opinion how to resolve the difference between them.

Pars III comprises 95 distinctions with a total of 596 Capitula. 

The Decretum Gratiani was a lawyer's book, for not only did it state what each the canons were but also provided a discussion how to interpret each decretum. Lawyers love this kind of work.

References
The Origins of Western Legal Science
Harold J. Berman
Harvard Law Review
Vol. 90, No. 5 (Mar., 1977), pp. 894-943
Published by: The Harvard Law Review Association
DOI: 10.2307/1340133

https://www.jstor.org/stable/1340133

Lotte Kéry (1999). Canonical Collections of the Early Middle Ages (ca. 400-1140): A Bibliographical Guide to the Manuscripts and Literature. CUA Press. ISBN 978-0-8132-0918-0.

ANGLO-NORMAN CANONISTS OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY: An Introductory Study
STEPHAN KUTTNER and ELEANOR RATHBONE
Traditio
Vol. 7 (1949-1951), pp. 279-358
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27830211
Anders Winroth (2000). The Making of Gratian's Decretum. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-1-139-42585-8.
The History of English Law Before the Time of Edward I. The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd.. pp. 111–. ISBN 978-1-886363-22-9.
Chapter V, Roman and Canon Law

Frederic William Maitland (1898). Roman Canon Law in the Church of England: Six Essays. The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd. pp. 76–. ISBN 978-1-886363-57-1.

John Gillingham (2005). Proceedings of the Battle Conference 2004. Jorg Peltzer: The Angevin Kings and Canon Law: Boydell Press. pp. 169–. ISBN 978-1-84383-132-7.
A Short History of Canon Law from Apostolic Times to 1917
Kenneth Pennington
The Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C.https://goo.gl/pgqhJy

The Canon Law - R.S. Mylne (1912)  

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canon_law

http://www.1911encyclopedia.org/Canon_law

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ecclesiastical_court

Boudinhon, Auguste. "Canon Law." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 9. New York: Robert Appleton Company,1910.  <http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/09056a.htm>.


R. H. Helmholz (2004). The Oxford History of the Laws of England: Volume I: The Canon Law and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction from 597 to the 1640s. Oxford University Press.ISBN 978-0-19-825897-1.

R. H. Helmholz (2010). The Spirit of Classical Canon Law. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 978-0-8203-3463-9. 

Medieval Canon Law Virtual Library

Robert Louis Benson (8 December 2015). Bishop-Elect: A Study in Medieval Ecclesiastical Office. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1-4008-7678-5.


ANGLO-NORMAN CANONISTS OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY: An Introductory Study
STEPHAN KUTTNER and ELEANOR RATHBONE
Traditio , Vol. 7, (1949-1951) , pp. 279-358
Published by: Fordham University
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27830211


Thomas N. Bisson (1 January 2011). Cultures of Power: Lordship, Status, and Process in Twelfth-Century Europe. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 172–. ISBN 0-8122-0076-4.

Charles Duggan; Anne Duggan (1970). Papers in Medieval Church History.



Works of Ivo, bishop of Chartres

The Decretum of seventeen books
The Collectio tripartita attributed to Ivo of Chartres, dated ca 1095
The Panormia of Ivo of Chartres, also usually dated to 1095. 

Ivo was more moderate than Gratian tending towards Misericordia [Merciful/Equitable] rather than a strict interpretation of the words of the law.



"Forged" Canon Law

During the 9th century the Hispana was enlarged with a further some 60 papal decretals purporting to have originated from the very earliest Bishops of Rome, successors of Saint Peter. These were the "forgeries". The compiler called himself Isidorus Mercator, impersonating the true Isidore of Seville.

These False Decretals were elaborations of the phrases from the Bible, fathers of the church, mixed with the wording and text from genuine canons and genuine papal decretals. The aim of the False Decretals, was to promote a few great principles, including the grandeur and superhuman origin of eccelsiatical power, and the sancrosanctity of the persons and property of bishops, and the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome. They were all especially directed against the secular power, to enhance the central authority and power of the church.

Because of this the Isidorian Forgeries at this time were accepted at Rome as genuine. The Popes, in general, profited by documents which taught that ever since the Apostolic Age the Bishops of Rome had always been the central authority declaring and making law for and on behalf the universal church.

The Carolingian civil war that followed Louis the Pious’ death in 840 only deepened the uncertainty faced by the Gallican and the German episcopates. Pseudo-Isidore responds to these forces in several different ways. He strives to shore up the legal protections afforded bishops by enhancing or outright inventing a wide variety of procedural protections for accused prelates. Taken together, Pseudo-Isidore’s procedural program extends de facto immunity to accused bishops everywhere. The forgeries also seek to subordinate the Frankish church to the legal oversight of the Roman papacy. While Pseudo-Isidore’s view of a Rome-centered Christendom was an ideological conviction that he shared with some of his contemporaries, Rome also functions within the forgeries as a distant venue for appeals at the margins of Carolingian political power. By expanding the legal jurisdiction of the papacy, Pseudo-Isidore hoped to withdraw accused bishops and their trials from the influence of Carolingian rulers and the provincial synod. Finally, Pseudo-Isidore seeks to establish the near-absolute authority and autonomy of bishops within their own dioceses, and to protect the property of their churches from the depredations of the lay nobility.

References

Pseudo-Isidore - An edition-in-progress of the False Decretals https://goo.gl/PBDXEK

Pseudo- Isidorus (1863). Decretales pseudo-Isidorianae, et Capitula Angilramni. B. Tauchnitz.


Henry Charles Lea (1869). "The False Decretals"Studies in church history: The rise of the temporal power.--Benefit of clergy.--Excommunication. H. C. Lea. 


Saltet, L. (1909). False Decretals. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. 
http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/05773a.htm

Detlev Jasper; Horst Fuhrmann (2001). Papal Letters in the Early Middle Ages. False Decretals - Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals: CUA Press. pp. 95–. ISBN 978-0-8132-0919-7.

LANFRANC OF BEC'S VERSION OF DECRETALS IN A CANONISTIC CONTEXT
Nicolás Álvarez de las Asturias
The Catholic Historical Review
Vol. 98, No. 4 (October, 2012), pp. 649-678
Published by: Catholic University of America Press
https://www.jstor.org/stable/23565418

Canon Law - Wikipedia

Projekt Pseudoisidor



Gratian

In the early Church, the first canons were decreed by bishops united in "Ecumenical" councils (the Emperor summoning all of the known world's bishops to attend with at least the acknowledgement of the Bishop of Rome) or "local" councils (bishops of a region or territory). Over time, these canons were supplemented with decretals of the Bishops of Rome, which were responses to doubts or problems according to the maxim, "Roma locuta est, causa finita est" ("Rome has spoken, case is closed").

Later, they were gathered together into collections, both unofficial and official. The first truly systematic collection was assembled by the Camaldolese monk Gratian in the 11th century, commonly known as the Decretum Gratiani ("Gratian's Decree").

Gratian (1140) Concordance of Discordant Canons or Decretum Gratiani

His collection of Canon Law comprised many Causae, which were hypothetical cases, each of which was broken down in particular questions or Quaestia of relevant Canon Law. These in turn were answered by Gratian's assembly of authorative and sometimes conflicting excerpts from older and and then-contemporary legal pronouncements, together with Gratian's own commentary on these.




References

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Decretal
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Decretum_Gratiani

Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law Journal

Louis Ellies Du Pin; William Wotton (1698). A new history of ecclesiastical writersGratian's Collection of Canons: Printed for Abel Swalle and Tim. Childe. pp. 204–

Wilfried Hartmann; Kenneth Pennington (January 2008). "Peter Ladau: Gratian and the Decretum Gratiani"The History of Medieval Canon Law in the Classical Period, 1140-1234: From Gratian to the Decretals of Pope Gregory IX. CUA Press. pp. 22–. ISBN 978-0-8132-1491-7.

Van Hove, Alphonse. "Papal Decretals." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 4. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1908. <http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04670b.htm>

R. H. Helmholz (2010). The Spirit of Classical Canon Law. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 978-0-8203-3463-9.


















PASCHAL II AND THE ROMAN PRIMACY
UTA-RENATE BLUMENTHAL
Archivum Historiae Pontificiae
Vol. 16 (1978), pp. 67-92
Published by: GBPress- Gregorian Biblical Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23563995

ANGLO-NORMAN CANONISTS OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY: An Introductory Study
STEPHAN KUTTNER and ELEANOR RATHBONE
Traditio
Vol. 7 (1949-1951), pp. 279-358
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27830211

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Rosamond McKitterick; David Edward Luscombe; Paul Fouracre (1995). The New Cambridge Medieval History. Volume 4 Part I. Chapter 5 P. Landau Development of Law: Cambridge University Press. pp. 113–. ISBN 978-0-521-41410-4.


An influential recent study of European legal history by the American scholar Harold Berman sees the foundations of the ‘western legal tradition’ in a papally inspired ‘revolution’ between 1075 and 1122, namely the transformation of legal systems inspired by Pope Gregory VII (1073–85). This development has traditionally been known as the ‘Gregorian reform’, but the term does not do justice to its revolutionary character. Although Berman’s interpretation of eleventh-century legal history may be somewhat overstated, it is scarcely possible to deny that a new direction, ‘un tournant dans l’histoire du droit’, was taken in the closing decades of the eleventh century, marking a clear historical transition in the development of law. This new direction can be linked thematically to the great ideological struggle between pope and emperor, the Investiture Contest. Formally, it could be seen as a definitive espousal of written forms of law and a renunciation of previous approaches which depended extensively on the continual adaptation of oral traditions. That earlier legal culture is hard to relate to concepts based on modern forms of law.


Harold J. Berman (June 2009). Law and Revolution, the Formation of the Western Legal Tradition. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02085-6.


Harold J. Berman (2000)
The Western Legal Tradition in a Millennial Perspective: Past and Future
Louisiana Law Review Volume 60 Number 3 Spring 2000
https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol60/iss3/3/