Thursday, 24 April 2014

Catalogue of the Learned Men in the Court of the Archbishop

J. A. Giles (1846). The Life and Letters of Thomas à Becket. Whittaker. pp. 386–.

Appendix III - Catalogue Of The Learned Men In The Court Of The Archbishop

From Herbert de Bosham.

As I have had frequent occasion in the course of this history to mention the learned men and professors of Thomas, our late lord and glorious martyr, who so zealously, and at their own peril adhered to the holy father whilst be was steering the vessel of the Church through so tempestuous a sea, I have thought it right to set down their blessed names at the end of this narrative, that they may not be lost for ever.

I. First and foremost of all was he the most learned of them all, Thomas himself. And as more learned, so was he more distinguished than they, washing in red wine his robe, and in the blood of the purple grape his mantle. Like his great Master, alone he trod the wine-press, and coming out of Edom with stained garments from Bosra, ascended into heaven.

II. But among the professors of Thomas, the most learned was a distinguished man, by birth and name a Lombard, from the celebrated city of Placentia. He was long nurtured on the milk of his nursing mother, Christ's spouse, the Church, but at length was weaned therefrom, and separated from her bosom, became great in learning and wisdom, and during the exile and retirement of our master, taught him the sacred canons. At his feet sat the disciple who writes these things. He and I were his inseparable companions, until for his distinguished merit he was called away from exile, and made a cardinal of the holy Roman church, and finally promoted by the Roman pontiff to the archbishopric of Beneventum.

III. After him comes John or Salisbury, an Englishman, and deriving his surname from the place of his birth. By God's grace be implanted in himself the two eyes of the Church, wisdom and learning, which were abundantly given him by the Spirit. He remained with our late martyr in all his temptations even to the end; and for his high merits, not his own, but those of the illustrious martyr, as he fancied, was called out of his native land by the Lord, to preside over the diocese Chartres, in the province of Sens, where he had been with ua before in exile.

IV. After him comes Robert Folioth, an Englishman by birth, and at this time archdeacon of Oxford, a person of much grace and virtue, whose life and conversation would point him out as a second Laban, married to two sisters. But for some reason or other, he did not accompany his father into exile, for which he had previously obtained the holy man's licence and blessing. At a later period, for hia distinguished merit he was advanced to the bishopric of Hereford.

V. Next comes Reginald, by birth an Englishman but by surname and education a Lombard, a man of prudence for his time of life, in action bold and strenuous. He was with us for some time in our exile, but was the first who gave us cause for sorrow by receding from us and returning to the court, there to serve the prince, and mitigate against us. But in the precious and triumphal death of our lord, by the providence of the Most High, he turned back to him who had been his former master. Afterwards by his own industry and honesty he was removed from the court to the Church, .and promoted to the bishopric of Bath.

VI. We next have Gerald Pucelle, an Englishman of high name and reputation. After long drinking the troubled waters of Syor, lie at length quailed the purer streams of Siloe. Our lord and father, before he went abroad, admitted him to holy orders, and bestowed on him his first ecclesiastical preferment. After running the whole day with us, towards its close he relaxed his speed, and seeking rest turned aside from following us. But after the removal of our lord from the world, his good and honest life, combined with his learning, earned for him the bishopric of Coventry.

VII. After him follows Hugh Nunaunt, by birth a Norman, and at that time archdeacon of Lisieux. discreet in council for his years, and combining in his actions both prudence and bravery. He was reconciled to the king before our exile was ended, and with the permission of our father returned home; ' For years he remained faithful to the king, and was afterwards promoted either by the Church or the court, I cannot say which; but at all events he succeeded on the death of the abovenamed Gerard to the bishopric of Coventry.
VIII. Gilbert, surnamed Glanville, was by birth an Englishman; the manner of his life was good and honest; he conformed himself to all those with whom he conversed, and obtained distinction for hit knowledge both of canon and civil law. When once he had joined us, he departed not from us, though he was the last of all That were called to join us. Yet though he was the last that took part with our father, he is at present, whilst I am writing, nearer to him than all the others, being elevated to the dignity of bishop of Rochester.

IX. And now l must enumerate those, who though not bishops, but in a private station, were nevertheless great and able men. First comes Randulf De Serra, who though not a bishop, equalled a bishop in the sanctity of his life. Though he tasted not the sour grape, yet were his teeth set ou edge thereby. For though neither of the family nor of the household of the archbishop, yet he was driven into exile with his parents, who were fitter for the grave than for banishment. Afterwards, for his distinguished worth he was promoted to the deanery of the metropolitan church of Rheims.

X. Next to him was Jordan, or as he is called by others Gordian de Melbourn, an Englishman, at that time archdeacon, and afterwards dean of Chichester. He had made considerable progress in learning for the short time which he had devoted to it; but because he had bought a house, he excused himself, and did not follow the holy father into exile.
XI. Next comes Matthew, [English] an Englishman both by name and nation, of the city of Chichester, an honest youth of bold and industrious habits. He had already made much progress in letters when he was drawn aside by the cares of the court, and of the world. Whilst I am writing this, he is dean of Chichester, but because he had no call, he did not follow our father into banishment.

XII. After him comes Gervase, surnamed of Chichester, where he also was born. He was a youth of much praise, both for his learning and for his conduct; but as like the former he had no call, he did not leave his native land.

XIII. Next is John Of Tilbury, by birth an Englishman, of much courage and eloquence. Like a learned and ready scribe, he brought forth from his treasure things both new and old; but his feebleness of body and advanced years excused him from following the holy father.

XIV. After him was Phillip de Caune, an Englishman, of a mild and simple character. He had exhausted the powers both of his mind and body in studying the laws of men, and followed our father into exile; but when he had borne for a while the weight of poverty, he found his shoulders unequal to it, and yearned for relief: wherefore, with the permission and blessing of our holy fatb.tr, he returned to his native land.

XV. Then comes Huuyey of. London, where he was born. He had borrowed of the AEgyptians vessels both of gold and silver, but when he was in the desert he desired to be fed with manna. Our father sent him on a message to the apostolic pontiff, but he was cut short on the road by death.

XVI. After him comes Gunter, surnamed of Winchester, which was the place of his birth. He was a mild and upright man, though timid, but without reproach. What he wanted in learning, was amply made up in the purity of his life. Like Zaccheus he was short ofstature, and had mounted the sycamore-tree to see our lord paaa by. He remained with our master through all his trials, faithful and constant to the last

XVII. Next to him was Alexander, called in his native tongue Cuellin [Llwellen] : he was by birth and surname a Welshman, of much learning, witty and talkative. But words were not his only virtues: for though he was prompt in his tongue, he was prompter still in action, and took part with our father and for our father, now bidden, now unbidden, and again when sent on an embassy: for amidst besetting dangers he conducted himself with equal caution, courage, and constancy; besides which he possessed that feature so valuable in the character of his nation, that he was as faithful as he was clever.

XVIII. and XIX. There were moreover two brothers Roland and Hariald, Lombards, of much industry and learning. As they were both poor, our father, in respect of their wisdom and learning, gave them a yearly pension out of his own small stock, ten marks to the first, and a hundred shillings to the second; this he did during all the years of his foreign pilgrimage.

XX. There is one still remaining of our lord's company, who was much beloved by his holy master. I place him here by himself apart, because of his singular greatness and great singularity of character, and because he was among the last that was called to join us. His proper name was Humbert, and he was by nation a Lombard, of the illustrious city of Milan, eloquent in discourse and able in action. He ascended through the ranks of the Church from one virtue to another whilst we were still in exile: he was first archdeacon of Bourges, and then was called by our lord and became one of us. But afterwards for his distinguished merits be was promoted to be archbishop of his native city of Milan; and in the second or third year after, being elevated to the sovereign pontificate of Rome, at this moment, under the name of Urban the Third, rules the universal Church.

From this catalogue then we may judge how great and magnificent was our lord the glorious martyr himself; who, though stripped of every thing and banished from his country, rallied around him such champions in the cause of God and the Church.

There were moreover others, learned and zealous, whom I do not now mention, who nevertheless ran the race even to the goal, and were faithful to our master. Among whom, by God's providence, was he, the premature one, the least of all of them, the disciple who writes this history, Herbert by name, an Englishman by nation, and surnamed from the place of his birth, Herbert De Bosham.

And let me not omit to mention here that clerk of whom I have before spoken, who was wounded in the arm during our master's death-struggle, Edward Grim, an Englishman; and I place him here apart from the rest, because though of the archbishop's diocese, yet he was not of his household; for it was only by accident that he had come to visit the archbishop after his return from exile, wherefore I cannot place him in the number of the archbishop's learned men; but he is now dead, and placed, I hope, by the Most High in the number of his saints in heaven.


References


Frank Barlow (1990). Thomas Becket. University of California Press. pp. 77–. ISBN 978-0-520-07175-9.

Great Britain. Public Record Office (1865). Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores  513: Catalogus Eruditorum Beati Thomae Martyris: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts. pp. 385–.

 MS. Arundel. 23. ff. 76–79. vell, 4to. xv. cent.

Incip.—“Et quoniam in hystoria hac de eruditis Thoma.”
Expl.—“et constanter fortitute ipsum offere voluisti.”


This piece forms the first chapter of the seventh book of Herbert of Bosham's Life of Thomas Becket, but it frequently occurs as a distinct work. It was first printed in the “Quadrilogus” of 1495, in lib. iv., and afterwards in Lupus’s edition, p. 156. It is also printed in Dr. Giles's edition of Herbert of Bosham’s “Vita Sancti Thomae,” pp. 361-371. It is likewise found in nearly all the MSS. of the “Second “Quadrilogus,” and the Life by E. of Evesham.  The piece contains short notices of the friends and companions of the archbishop. There are considerable variations between Herbert de Bosham's list and that printed in both editions of the “Quadrilogus.” Of the two, the edition of 1495 is more correct than that of Lupus in 1682. The “Quadrilogus” of 1495 only brings the list down to Hubert Lombard, afterwards Urban III. ; but the edition of 1682 adds to the catalogue the names of Herbert of Bosham and Edward Grim, both of which are in Herbert's own list.
 

Wednesday, 23 April 2014

Conference at Saint-Léger-en-Yvelines, Feb 7 1169

Second Papal Commission continued.

The Pope's Commonitory [admonitory] letter had been delivered to king Henry II at Montmirail; the Comminatory letter was now delivered to him a month later at another conference, this time at Saint-Léger-en-Yvelines on February 7th 1169, to the west of Paris. The Pope's envoys, Simon, Prior of Montdieu, and Engelbert, Prior of Val St. Pierre, thought Henry was being perfidious and evasive.

The envoys thought it was impossible to hold Henry to any kind of promise regarding Becket. They considered there was little chance of any agreement between them. Henry stressed that he had not forced Becket into exile, but he did say that, out of respect for the Pope, to allow Becket to return to England and for him there to have peace, if he was willing to do for him what he should: as long as held unto him what his predecessors had observed as belonging to the king, and those things which he promised. The envoys thought Henry changed his mind too often, so they asked if could Becket return to his see and have peace. Henry answered that Becket would never be allowed to re-enter his kingdom until he promised to act towards his sovereign as he ought, and as others [the English bishops] had acted and had already promised to observe, and what he had also promised to observe. The envoys then asked king Henry would he give them a formal written and sealed response, stating it was their duty to his answer to the Pope, but he would not agree to this. Plainly Henry was not going to allow Becket to return unless he formally consented to the Constitutions of Clarendon, as the other bishops had done. This was his principal goal.

Becket's letter to the pope revealed that the standard reservations he made in it had been authorised by the pope himself. The archbishop had been duped once. He was not going to make the same mistake again.

References

Michael Staunton (7 December 2001). The Lives of Thomas Becket. Manchester University Press. pp. 164–. ISBN 978-0-7190-5455-6.

Frank Barlow (1990). Thomas Becket. University of California Press. pp. 182–3. ISBN 978-0-520-07175-9.

Guy, John (5 April 2012). Thomas Becket: Warrior, Priest, Rebel, Victim: A 900-Year-Old Story Retold. Penguin Books Limited. pp. 510–. ISBN 978-0-14-193328-3.

Actes Du Colloque International de Sedieres. Editions Beauchesne. pp. 93–

Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence); trans Janet Shirley (1975). Garnier's Becket:. Phillimore. pp. 106–12. ISBN 978-0-85033-200-1.
Lines 3981-4215

La vie de Saint Thomas le martyr
Publié par E. Walberg (1922)
Raymonde Foreville (1943). L'église et la royauté en Angleterre sous Henri II Plantagenet (1154-1189). Bloud & Gay. pp. 191

R. W. Eyton (1878) Court, household, and itinerary of King Henry II pp. 138

Correspondence

MTB 464
James Craigie Robertson. Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Volume 6. Cambridge University Press. pp. 516-8. ISBN 978-1-108-04930-6.

John Allen Giles (1846). The Life and Letters of Thomas À Becket: Now First Gathered from the Contemporary Historians. Volume 2. Letter LXXIX: To The Pope from His Envoys, Simon, Prior of Montdieu, and Engelbert, Prior of Val St. Pierre.: Whittaker. pp. 161–.

"According to your holiness's instructions, we delivered your admonitory letters to the king of England, and exhorted him to the utmost of our power to listen to what was therein contained, and make peace with his lordship of Canterbury, and restore him to his Church, with permission to rule it in freedom as before. We waited long and patiently, hoping that God would soften his heart. But failing in this, we then delivered to him your second letter, not of admonition, but of commination, which he made much difficulty about receiving, but he was at last prevailed on to do so, at the instance both of ourselves and the other men of influence who were present; and after much other conversation, which we forbear to mention, he said as follows,—' I did not expel the archbishop, and yet if he will do as he ought towards me and observe my constitutions, I will, out of regard for my lord the pope, make peace with him, and allow him to return.' And after many other different remarks, he said that he would call together the English bishops and comply with their advice, but he did not appoint any day, nor did we get anything from him on which we can rely, respecting the restoration of the archbishop and the execution of your instructions. For he constantly varied his answer; and when we asked him if the archbishop might return to his see and be at peace, he replied that the archbishop should never return till he promised to act towards his sovereign as he ought, and as others had acted. We then asked him to grant letters patent, stating his answer, because it was our duty to report it to you, which we had not yet done, because he changed his answer so often. To this, however, he would not consent. The archbishop, on the other hand, replied when we informed him of this, that he was ready to do all that he was bound to do, and to observe all that his predecessors had done, saving his own order, but that without the authority of the pope he could not promise to enter upon new obligations, 'except with a reservation of his own order,' because such a precedent would be injurious, and because you had prohibited him from doing so. He added also, that you had censured him for not having submitted to be put to death rather than comply, except with a reservation of his order. 'But,' said he, ' if the king will restore to me his favour, and allow me to resume peaceable possession of my Church, with everything that has been taken from it, I will comply with his wishes, and serve him to the best of my ability.' May it please your holiness, therefore, to succour the Church in her distress: for if you only persevere, we are persuaded peace will soon be made. And as the brothers of Grammont never write letters, we certify that in all this we have the concurrence of our brother and associate, Bernard, who publicly gave his consent, and requested that others would write to you, who were not under the same obligation as he is."

CTB 187 after 7 February 1169
Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury to Pope Alexander, after the Conference Held with the King at Saint-Leger

J. A. Giles (1846). The Life and Letters of Thomas à Becket: Now First Gathered from the Contemporary Historians. Volume 2. Letter  LXXX. The Archbishop Of Canterbury to The Pope. Whittaker. pp. 164–.

Up to now the king of England has treated your leniency with contempt, completely ignoring that you have tried to bring him back to atone with patience. He has boasted, humiliating both the Apostolic See and your holy name, that you have allowed him the privilege that he would be safe against us and the church of Canterbury for as long as he wanted. He is causing copies of your letter in which you had granted him  this against us to be promulgated through Germany, France, England, and other neighbouring provinces. It is thus now how he repays your kindness. The justice of our cause, exile and proscription, and the goal towards which he is moving are now apparent to all. Would to God that you had believed this from the very start!

Scarcely accepting your comminatory letter, which he had originally refused to do, he finally acknowledged it at the second conference, within earshot of the king of France and all who were present. He said that he was seeking nothing more from us than observance of his customs, which, as you know, are wholly counter to the sacred Canon Law. Upon the French king's insistence together with the religious men whom you sent, and other intermediaries, he was told to keep silent about the customs, and indeed he did change the words, but not his intention. He demanded that we simply and absolutely accept upon oath that we would follow all that our predecessors had done, saying that this was the only way by which we could return to our church and have peace in the kingdom, but not yet have his grace. He thought that by adding this clause we would be denied the full power of our office by the authority of your rescript, until he consents to restore us to his favour.

After Prior Simon of Mont-Dieu and brother Bernard put his demand to us, we answered that we did not have the knowledge of exactly what our predecessors had done, although we know from reputable chronicles that some of them had also fled into exile for similar reasons, and that they finally had achieved recognition that those things which belong to God should be rendered unto Him, just as kings defend their rights for those things which should be rendered unto them. We said that we ready to serve him in every way, and indeed beyond whatever had been done by our predecessors, saving our order, adding that it would not be lawful for us to enter into any new obligation outside of Church procedure, promises which none of our predecessors had entered into; for you yourself had absolved us at Sens from the obligation of keeping or observing any customs which were hateful to God and the Church, customs which had been extorted by force and fear. And you prefaced all this with a very severe rebuke, which I shall never forget: you forbade us ever again to bind ourselves to anyone in a similar case, saving God's honour and our order. You added furthermore,  please try to remember this, that no bishop should ever enter into any undertaking, except saving God's honour and his order, even to save his own life. Accordingly we promised those holy men that if the king obeyed your order and restored to us his grace and peace, together with our Church and those things which he has taken from us, we would try to serve him and his sons with all our strength, saving God's honour and our order. We added that, without your authority, it was not lawful for us to change this ecclesiastical formula which is accepted by the whole of the Western Church, a formula which itself is even apparent in those abhorrent Constitutions which are the cause of our exile; for indeed it is explicitly stated in those Constitutions that bishops-elect should before their consecration swear that they will be faithful to the king, as far as life, limb, and earthly honour are concerned, saving their order.

Why then should we be forced to remain silent about God's honour and the immunity of our order in the deceitful obligation required of us? Which Christian has ever demanded this from another Christian? He pretends he would summon the bishops of  England to take their counsel. In truth, however, he is waiting for the return of the messengers he has sent to you, for he expects to get from you whatever he desires against us, either by promises or threats. Yet it cannot be scarcely possible to believe that the Apostolic See would ever force anyone to suppress the honour of God or forbid mention to be made of saving one's order.

Therefore, please act firmly. You have seen what acting mildly has achieved; now you should act decisively, and see how justice will triumph quickly. Require from him everything that has been taken from us, even to the smallest amount, lest the knowledge of the failure to castigate so great a plunder emboldens him and his descendants to commit the same sins. For if we see that he repents, and now wishes make reparation, we will be able with your prior guidance to lessen the rigour of the law, inasmuch as it would benefit God's Church now and in the future. By what other right should he receive absolution if he persists in his crimes and creates so great a scandal in the Church? For if he refuses to return what he has taken, then he is not penitent, and only pretends to be so. For there is one thing that he passionately desires, an immediate subjection to his laws not only the English Church but all the churches within his power. We cannot observe these things which he requires of us and also maintain our due obedience and fidelity to the Apostolic See at the same time, for these are mutually opposed to one another.  We beg you not to absolve those whom we have excommunicated.  If, however, he were to force us to make this concession (God forbid that we would be required do this even to save our earthly life), for we have not forgotten the promise we made on oath to you and the Roman Church when we received the pallium, he would then force not only the bishops, but the entire clergy, to do the same, strengthened with authority of precedent. And indeed all other princes might seek to copy his unpunished audacity. Indeed, what he is demanding from us, not even the knights or peasants of our land are compelled to do.

MTB 453 CTB 188 6 January-15 February 1169
A friend to Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury
James Craigie Robertson (15 November 2012). Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury (Canonized by Pope Alexander III, AD 1173). Cambridge University Press. pp. 491. ISBN 978-1-108-04930-6.
Richard Hurrell Froude; James Bowling Mozley (1839). Remains of the Late Reverend Richard Hurrell Froude: v. 2.J. G. & F. Rivington. pp. 366–.


MTB 454 CTB 189 after 6—8 February 1169
Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury to Bishop John of Poitiers1
James Craigie Robertson (15 November 2012). Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Cambridge University Press. pp. 493–. ISBN 978-1-108-04930-6.
John Allen Giles (1846). The Life and Letters of Thomas À Becket: Now First Gathered from the Contemporary Historians. Letter LXXVI: Archbishop to John of Poitiers: Whittaker. pp. 161–.
Richard Hurrell Froude; James Bowling Mozley (1839). Remains of the Late Reverend Richard Hurrell Froude: v. 2. J. G. & F. Rivington. pp. 368–.


MTB 471
[Lupus iv 25, Giles TB 352]
Prior Victor of Paris to Pope Alexander
Saint Thomas (à Becket); John Allen Giles (1846). Epistolae Sancti Thomae Cantuariensis. Epistola CCCLII: Apud Whittaker et socios. pp. 202–.
James Craigie Robertson (15 November 2012). Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury (Canonized by Pope Alexander III, AD 1173). Cambridge University Press. pp. 529–30. ISBN 978-1-108-04930-6.

Tuesday, 22 April 2014

Canonical Hours

The Canonical Hours of the Benedictine Divine Office observed by monks in a monastery.

The day for Christians both privately at home and for those living in religious houses was divided into hours. The schedule included regular intervals for rest, prayer and work. The Benedictine Divine Office became widely adopted in England, as elsewhere on the Continent, and this defined a collection of prayers distinct from the Roman Office (Liturgy of the Hours). In the Rule of Saint Benedict, written in the early 6th century, there are eight prayer periods: Matins or Vigils, Lauds, Prime, Terce, Sext, None, Vespers, and Compline.
At different times of the year the timing of the prayers varies to accommodate the longer and shorter days. In St Benedict's time, the day was divided into twelve even hours of daylight, so an 'hour' was shorter in winter and longer in summer

No photo description available.


Canonical Hours

Divine Office

Breviary

Nones

Terce

Sext

Prime

Lauds

Matins

Compline

Vespers
http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/15381a.htm

References

Cabrol, F. (1907). Breviary. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/02768b.htm


The Medieval Calendar


Reference
Robert Thomas Hampson (1841). Medii Ævi Kalendarium: Or, Dates, Charters, and Customs of the Middle Ages. Volume I. H.K. Causton

 

Calendars

Calendars for 12th Century

Calendar for 1164 (France)

Calendar for 1168 May - Jul

Calendar for 1168 Jan - Mar

Year Numbering

From Bede onwards ecclesiastical documents were dated using Anno Domini.

From the late 12th century onwards it became customary to date civil documents by regnal year, the number of years since the monarch began to reign.

The Exchequer year ran from Michaelmas to Michaelmas (30 September-29 September) and was usually numbered using the regnal year in which it ended.


Kalends, Ides and Nones (Medieval or Julian)

These are counted backwards from three fixed calendar days in a month: the Nones, the Ides, and the Kalends of the following month.

Kalends = First day of the month.

Ides =   13th day of the month, but the 15th day of March, May, July, and October.

Nones = Eight days before the Ides in a month, depending on the latter, they were the fifth or seventh day of the month.

Pridie (or Day Before)

The day preceding the Kalends, Nones, or Ides was called Pridie, example, Prid. Id. Mart. = 14 March. 

Leap Year or Bissextile Years

In the Julian calendar any year fully and evenly divisible by 4 without a remainder was a leap year.

Day naming in late February:

In a normal or non-leap year February 28th would be called Pridie Kalendas Martias, while in a bissextile or leap year February 28th would be named III Kalendas Martias, and therefore under this reckoning, February 29th would be called Pridie Kalendas Martias in a leap year. 

This was because, in the Middle Ages, the ecclesiastics called a leap year Bissextile.  It was so-called because February 24th in a common [non-leap] year was VI Kalendas Martias. But in a leap or bissextile year they called it the 2nd-6th day before the Kalends of March, in Latin bis-VI Kalendas Martias. And February 25th was called VI Kalendas Martias.

See

Nachum Dershowitz; Edward M. Reingold (2008). Calendrical Calculations. Cambridge University Press. pp. 66–. ISBN 978-0-521-88540-9.

Robert Thomas Hampson (1841). Medii ævi kalendarium: or dates, charters, and customs of the Middle Ages,. H.K. Causton and son. pp. 31–.

Thomas Edlyne Tomlins (1820). The Law-dictionary: Bissextile  Payne. pp. 17–.


Start of year/Year numbering

Julian Calendar (Roman) 1st January

In Anglo-Saxon times the year was generally reckoned to start on 25th December.

The Anno Domini system of numbering years was introduced to England by Bede in the eighth century.

England’s New Year’s date changed many times throughout its history.

William the Conqueror decreed that January 1st should be the New Year.

The Regnal Year reckoning [during Henry II's reign] 19th December - 18th December

Years later New Year's Day in England was changed to be March 25th, the start of the Farming and Legal Years, and close to the Spring Equinox; this was the Feast of the Annunciation, also known as Lady Day.

Calculating the Date of Easter

Easter is the Sunday after the Paschal Full Moon. The Paschal Full Moon may occur from March 21 through April 18, inclusive. Thus the date of Easter is from March 22 through April 25, inclusive. The date of the Paschal Full Moon is determined from tables, and it may differ from the date of the the actual full moon by up to two days.




Example 1164

Sunday (Dominical Letter) Letter = 4 or D Golden Number 6 :  Easter 1164 = 12th April

Golden Number = Remainder ((Year +1)/19)

Robert Thomas Hampson (1841). Medii ævi kalendarium: or dates, charters, and customs of the Middle Ages. Table: To Find Easter For Ever: H.K. Causton and son


Easter Day 1162-70 (Julian Calendar)

1162 Golden Number  4 Sunday Letter G   8th April
1163 Golden Number  5 Sunday Letter F  24th March
1164 Golden Number  6 Sunday Letter eD 12th April
1165 Golden Number  7 Sunday Letter C   4th April
1166 Golden Number  8 Sunday Letter B  24th April
1167 Golden Number  9 Sunday Letter A   9th April
1168 Golden Number 10 Sunday Letter gF 31st March
1169 Golden Number 11 Sunday Letter E  20th April
1170 Golden Number 12 Sunday Letter D   5th April


Liturgical Year

Michaelmas 29th September

Advent is the period of the four Sundays before Christmas. Advent Sunday is the first of these Sundays.



Easter is the Sunday after the Paschal Full Moon. The Paschal Full Moon may occur from March 21 through April 18, inclusive. Thus the date of Easter is from March 22 through April 25, inclusive. The date of the Paschal full moon is determined from tables, and it may differ from the date of the the actual full moon by up to two days.

In the Julian calendar, January 1 of the year 0 [1 B.C.], which is a leap year was a Thursday; therefore, the Julian dominical letter for January and February Year 0 is D and for the remainder of that year C.



Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge (1837). The Penny Cyclopaedia . Method of Finding Easter Old Style [Julian Calendar]: Knight. pp. 252–3.



Pentecost [Whitsunday] 7th Sunday after Easter 


Octave

in octava festi sancti Michaelis = on the octave of the feast of Saint Michael
The feast of Saint Michael is on 29 September
Therefore, the octave of that feast is  that day eight days inclusive later, namely 6 October.

If the feast of All Saints is on 1 November; the octave of All Saints is 8 November.

Weekdays

Feria secunda, feria tertia, feria quarta, feria quinta, feria sexta = Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday.

Feria prima [Dies Dominica] = Sunday
Feria septima [Sabbatum] = Saturday

References

Robert Thomas Hampson (1841). Medii ævi kalendarium: or dates, charters, and customs of the Middle Ages, Volume 1. H.K. Causton
Robert Thomas Hampson (1841). Medii Ævi Kalendarium: Or Dates, Charters, and Customs of the Middle Ages. Volume 2 H. K. Causton.


Marc Cohn (2007). The Mathematics of the Calendar. Chapter VII - The Easter Calculation: Lulu.com. pp. 96–. ISBN 978-1-4303-2496-6.


The Julian Calendar

Reading a Calendar (and following)

Cheney, C.R. (ed) 1970 Handbook of Dates for Students of English History London: Royal Historical Society.

Michael Jones (2000). A Handbook of Dates: For Students of British History. 2nd Edition Cambridge University Press. pp. 100–. ISBN 978-0-521-77845-9.

Medieval Genealogy Chronology and dating
Medieval Genealogy - A medieval English calendar
Regnal calendar Reign of King Henry II

"Introduction: Dating," in Final Concords of the County of Lincoln 1244-1272, ed. C W Foster (Horncastle: Lincol Record Society, 1920), xlvii-l. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/lincoln-record-soc/vol2/xlvii-l.