Showing posts with label Miscellanenous. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Miscellanenous. Show all posts

Tuesday, 24 September 2013

Medieval Roads

Gough Map - Wikipedia

Wikipedia Roman Roads in Britain

The Four Roman Ways
Edwin Guest
The Archaeological Journal (1857) p. 99


Arts.cornell.edu. 
Maps incl Medieval Routes. 2013.

The Road System of Medieval England
F. M. Stenton
The Economic History Review
Vol. 7, No. 1 (Nov., 1936), pp. 1-21

Gough Map, 1360

Imago Mundi: The International Journal for the History of Cartography
Volume 61, Issue 1, 2009 pages 1-28
Mapping the Realm: A New Look at the Gough Map of Britain (c.1360)
Keith D. Lilley, Christopher D. Lloyd & Bruce M. S. Campbell

R. A. Skelton (1959). Review of E. J. S. Parsons, and Frank Stenton 'The Map of Great Britain, circa A.D. 1360, known as the Gough Map' The Antiquaries Journal, 39, pp 307-308.

Paul Hindle (1998). Medieval roads and tracks. Shire. ISBN 978-0-7478-0390-4.

Brian Paul Hindle (1998). Roads and Tracks of the Lake District. Cicerone Press Limited. pp. 42–. ISBN 978-1-85284-259-8.

Brian Paul Hindle (2001). Roads and tracks for historians. Phillimore & Co. Ltd. ISBN 978-1-86077-182-8.

Brian Paul Hindle (1990). Medieval Town Plans. Shire. ISBN 978-0-7478-0065-1.

Martin Cook (1998). Medieval Bridges. Osprey Publishing. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-0-7478-0384-3.

La vie nomade et les routes d'Angleterre au 14e siècle
Edited by A. Wilson-Green : Jusserand, J. J. (Jean Jules)


French Pilgrimage routes

medieval lincoln. CUP Archive. pp. 304–.

John Schofield; A. G. Vince (2003). Medieval Towns: The Archaeology of British Towns in Their European Setting. Continuum. pp. 37–. ISBN 978-0-8264-6002-8.
British Library EThOS: Peripatetic and sedentary kingship : the itineraries of the thirteenth-century English kings

Charles Homer Haskins (2006). Norman Institutions. The Norman Itinerary of Henry I: The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd. pp. 309–. ISBN 978-1-58477-710-6


The Road System of Medieval England
F. M. Stenton
The Economic History Review
Vol. 7, No. 1 (Nov., 1936), pp. 1-21
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Economic History Society
DOI: 10.2307/2590730



The Antonine Itinerary  https://goo.gl/yNhVcC
 
by Derek Bright
Kent Archaeological Society


Crump, C. G. (1936), THE PILGRIMS' WAY. History, 21: 22–33. doi: 10.1111/j.1468-229X.1936.tb00678.x

Ruth Evans (2016). Roadworks: Medieval Britain, Medieval Roads. Oxford University Press. pp. 198–. ISBN 978-0-7190-8506-2.

Frank Merry Stenton; Lady Doris Mary Parsons Stenton (1970). Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England: Being the Collected Papers of Frank Merry Stenton. Frank Stenton: Road System of Medieval England: Clarendon P. pp. 234–. ISBN 978-0-19-822314-
 


Monday, 23 September 2013

Horses in the Middle Ages

Types of Horses ridden by some of Chaucer's Pilgrims

Wife of Bath - Ambler
Plowman - Mare
Cook - Capul
Shipman - Rouncy
Nun's Priest - Jade
Canon - Hackney
Monk - Palfrey

Reeve - Stot


General

Wikipedia  Horses in the Middle Ages.

John Clark (2004). The Medieval Horse and Its Equipment, C.1150-c.1450. Museum of London. Boydell Press. ISBN 978-1-84383-097-9.

Medieval warhorses no bigger than modern-day ponies, study finds | Archaeology | The Guardian https://bit.ly/33kAAHI

Chaucer's Mounted Menagerie https://goo.gl/3cXfx1


Christa Hook (1996). Knight of Outremer AD 1187-1344. Osprey Publishing. pp. 14–. ISBN 978-1-85532-555-5.


Maurice Keen (1999). "Andrew Ayton: 'Arms, Armour and Horses"Medieval Warfare: A History. Oxford University Press. pp. 186–. ISBN 978-0-19-164738-3.

Clifford Rogers (June 2010). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Medieval Warfare and Military TechnologyHorses Oxford University Press. pp. 271–. ISBN 978-0-19-533403-6.

Knights and Warhorses by Andrew Ayton - Google Books https://bit.ly/3ru6dHt


Palfrey (Palfridium)

Wikipedia  Palfrey.

Wikipedia Ambling.

Encyclopaedia Britannica 1911 Palfrey


Courser

Wikipedia  Courser (horse).

Destrier (Dextrarius)

Wikipedia  Destrier.

Rouncey

Wikipedia  Rouncey.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rouncey



Chaucer's Wife of Bath on an Ambler

Wednesday, 4 September 2013

On History

History is significantly what has been documented about and commented upon past events. An undocumented history is not history. Where there are no documents, there is no history. An undocumented past cannot become history.

Ludwig Wittgenstein (1922). Tractatus Logico-philosophicus. Harcourt, Brace.

Last sentence:
"Whereof we cannot speak thereof we must be silent."

It matters not that "history" is not necessarily an accurate verbatim statement of what actually happened. More important is what future generations make of or believe about those events. All history is interpretation. If there are parts missing from the story, they are missing. Interpreters will try to fill the missing parts to complete the Gestalt [Gestalt Theory of Perception: Law of Closure]. Of equal importance are and may be those matters which have deliberately been left out which don't fit the story that historian wants to write about and his or her motives for telling the story.. Every attempt therefore must be made to find the factual "missing" and possibly critical information, but the state and circumstance under which and how such information is found must also be recorded, particularly if that information was not necessarily available to those historians contemporaneous with the said events.

On the other hand it is also crucially important, when discussing a topic like the history of the Constitutions of Clarendon, carefully not to immerse oneself too deeply in the actual legal arguments involved, which themselves might be based on later and/or subsequent legal interpretations of the same issue, and the same matter, of which there have been many different interpretations on several different occasions subsequently. That would constitute a kind of anachronism. Some of the legal matters, arguments and questions in this case were not resolved or clarified until long after Becket's murder, nor, indeed, for many generations afterwards, and some of which have never been resolved. Further, historians should really try not to attempt to be lawyers siding with either one or other of the parties involved. The question is not who was legally right or wrong, Henry or Becket, but what argument each side posed for their case at the time, and under their systems of belief. Neither Henry nor Becket was either antagonist or protagonist in this drama. Indeed, we are not really composing a drama, but attempting to relate the events of this story and how it was, which is more than quite dramatic enough. Besides some of the so-called "traditional" church laws at that time may have been based on forged documents, but this was not known to the participants of that time.

Censureship: are historians only interesting in telling a good story whilst those facts which are mundane or that which are awkward and do not fit their story are to be consigned to oblivion? Was the chronicler being quoted a direct witness of the events recorded? What was their motive for recording certain events, and not others? Is the witness' story corroborated, by two or more witnesses? Historians should seek to obtain corroboration of their stories like professional journalists. Unfortunately the past standards of reporting were not high, and this is one of the principal defects of History. Professional historians must quote and cite their sources of facts and interpretations. Historians must also list the reference works used or referred to.

Those who have editorial control over history are powerful indeed, and often can control the minds of the people comprising the audience or readership of that history, up to and including a whole nation itself. History is properly the intellectual property of the people being written about, but which is often controlled by governments. But eventually nations like civilizations come and go. And one might have to wait for such momentous events to hear or read about a different interpretation.

The science of history seeks to ascertain, understand and explain the structures of both great and small themes of the past. As anthropologists of the past, historians must seek to ascertain and understand the rules of the game by which the people of the past lived, about how those themes, structures and rules evolved. Archaeology can help, but archaeology seems to lack the methodology by which to understand motive: and neither is that its main goal. Great archaeology discovers documents and art, along with with buildings and other structures. These artefacts can, of course, contribute more to history. but there is a school of thought which believes history can be read in the structure of the landscape, in an attempt to place archaeology on an equal footing to history. Both archaeologists and anthropologists are often like Martians from outer space, fumbling for the truth about the people on Earth they have been sent to study.

Truth in history is like [the same as] truth in a court of law. One should also question how that truth was obtained, by force or voluntarily. But history is more than determining whether one's protagonist is guilty or not. And only hagiographers seek to champion the reputation of the principal characters of their stories. Hagiographers often use the same material as historians, but will seek to distort the interpretation of those sources if it furthers their cause, which is a moral and ethical one. The Bible also, has much to answer for the way historical stories are told. There is no double jeopardy rule in history. The case may and should be re-examined over and over again, generation after generation.

We study Becket, not because he was a martyr and a saint, but because his story is a rollicking good yarn and drama from the past. Both Shakespeare and Marlowe missed a good opportunity as a subject for their attention. But perhaps the story was too dangerous for them to tell in their day. This opportunity was not missed out upon by the likes of Jean Anouilh, T.S. Eliot and Tennyson in their time. Even today some historians of the Becket story are either Catholic, Protestant or Monarchist, taking sides. Some see Becket as a kind of Robin Hood for the Liberty of the Church and the cause of Papal Supremacy, with king Henry as a kind of bad king John (ironic that Henry was his father). Others see the right of kings to rule in their lands as a divine, incontrovertible and immutable right, and those that seek to thwart this right should be treated as traitors, who should be sentenced to eternal damnation. Others see that the Becket story was part of the evolution of the independence of the English nation, which is still even being fought for today with Europe, even if it took another 400 years for the concept of papal supremacy to be utterly crushed in England, during the Reformation, which it never was in Ireland, and therefore, which was consequently a possible cause of the latter's turbulent history with its neighbour, England. But papal supremacy in England might be seen to have been replaced with another kind of supremacy, the supremacy of the monarch and the Leviathan state [cf Hobbes]. The absolutism of the monarch may have gone now, but the state itself might still today be described as Leviathan.

History is like assembling a jigsaw puzzle of the story involved with many pieces missing. The pieces that are present suggest what is absent, which a historian must seek after and go looking for, like a scientist. Failure to find the missing pieces is not a calamity, as long as what is being sought, why, and what efforts have been made to find them are fully described. And those supposed pieces already assembled much each be questioned as to whether they are themselves proper pieces belonging to the picture being constructed.


History as Storytelling

History is storytelling, particularly about past events which are said to have really happened. History is thus reportage of those times. Primary sources are original stories; secondary and subsequent sources are stories which have been retold. Historians are storytellers who summarise and interpret past events in the light of larger contexts. Interpretation is a function of reasoning why a particular sequence of events are said to have occurred. History is about what has happened: reasoning is the why and how about what has happened. History should also report when and where something has happened, and in what sequence: places and time are important. Relating who was present at or absent from the events is also important, as well as who was involved or not involved.

History may may be written, spoken, or told in a film, recorded in a painting or some other medium, History is based on the human faculty of memory, with all its frailty, weaknesses and prejudices, History is only ever a summary and never ever the telling of the full story. Historians are highly selective in what they want to tell about. A storyteller may try to relate events which may be separated hugely in space and time, in different places and at vastly different times.

The why and how of the stories are only ever opinions, which may or may not have any real scientific basis, The who was present as the actor behind the events told or the recipients of the actions may or may not be accurately reported. Storytellers love to embellish their stories with fictions.


Storytelling is very natural to humans and is a function and the purpose of human language. Storytelling is how the myths and legends of communities are generated. Stories generally have heroes and anti-heroes. But historians should not try to moralize.


References

Leviathan - Wikipedia

Leviathan (Hobbes book) - Wikipedia

Gestalt psychology - Wikipedia


Jeremy Tambling (2010). On Anachronism. Oxford University Press ISBN 978-0-7190-8244-3.

Jeffrey Paul Von Arx (1985). Progress and Pessimism: Religion, Politics, and History in Late Nineteenth Century Britain. Harvard University Press. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-0-674-71375-8.

P.B.M. Blaas (2012). Continuity and Anachronism: Parliamentary and Constitutional Development in Whig Historiography and in the Anti-Whig Reaction Between 1890 and 1930. Springer Science & Business Media. ISBN 978-94-009-9712-7.

Rhetoric and the Writing of History, 400-1500
Matthew Kempshall
Series: Historical Approaches
Copyright Date: 2011
Published by: Manchester University Press
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt155jhjx
M. S. Kempshall (2011). Rhetoric and the Writing of History, 400-1500. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-7030-3.

Rhetoric - Wikipedia

Nostalgia - Wikipedia






Sunday, 4 August 2013

Becket's Personality

The most significant feature about Becket and his personality is that he always wanted to be the "best" at whatever he did, in whatever role he undertook, or in whatever position he served. This is the view described by Z.N. Brooke (Cambridge 1952) in his book The English Church and the Papacy: From the Conquest to the Reign of John, Chapter XIII, Henry II and Thomas Becket pp. 191-214. Brooke describes him as play acting in whatever role he undertook.

Zachary N. Brooke (1952). The English Church and the Papacy: From the Conquest to the Reign of John. Cambridge University Press. p. 193. ISBN 978-0-521-36687-8.



The only explanation of him that seems to me to fit
the facts at all is that he was one of those men who,
exalting to the full the role they have to play, picture
themselves as the perfect representatives of their
office, visualising a type and making themselves the
living impersonation of it ; actors playing a part, but
unconscious actors.

Becket wanted to be the most efficient archdeacon, the best possible administrator under archbishop Theobald; he wanted to excel at falconry; later he wanted to be the best chancellor the king would ever have, as well as being the king's best friend. He would put on the grandest show when acting as diplomat on behalf of the king when sent on a mission to the court of France to negotiate a marriage between Henry and Eleanor's eldest son, the Young Henry, and Margaret, the daughter of the King of France. He was fearless when leading his own troop of knights into battle during the Toulouse campaign of 1159. It is therefore not surprising that he would want to be the most stubborn, insistent steadfast archbishop of Canterbury that there ever had been.

His personality did not change when he became archbishop. He wanted to do justice to his new position by scrupulously following ecclesiastical law to the letter, this was manifest in his support of the liberties of the church, for papal supremacy and the principles laid down in the canon law. He had warned the king not to appoint him archbishop, that he would come to regret it. The rest is history, as they say.

Rudyard Kipling in his poem If... wrote

If you can keep your head when all about you
Are losing theirs and blaming it on you,
If you can trust yourself when all men doubt you,
That was Becket, but he failed to follow through with the following
But make allowance for their doubting too;
Becket may have been suffering from a moderate form of personality disorder which made him stubbornly persistent in his cause, strive for perfection in whatever he did: obsessive-compulsive personality disorder perhaps?

Jame Craigie Robertson states in Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury. (1859) pp. 326–.

Becket stated in a letter to the pope in 1168 that the Battle Abbey case "as one in which the secular power had been wrongly exalted against the papacy (Epp Thom i 54). For in truth it would appear that Becket was quite incapable in viewing his own conduct dispassionately. He seems to have fancied that, in exchanging the chancellorship for the primacy, he had only been released from all obligations as to money, but had got rid of his former self; and thus he would be quite ready to reprobate, as if he were altogether guiltless, an act in which he had been a chief instrument.

Ed. Herbert Waddams (1970) 1170-1970, St Thomas Becket: Canterbury Cathedral Chronicle No. 65. Friends of Canterbury Cathedral

In Archbishop Thomas Becket - The Saint by David Knowles p. 5

"... we may say that it is at least debatable whether Thomas Becket was a saint when alive and a martyr in death. I will confess that, after more than twenty years of fairly close study and reflection, I am fairly certain that he was a martyr, and still doubtful whether he was a saint in life."

In David Knowles Archbishop Thomas, a Character Study p. 13

David Knowles said that Becket's personality changed during the course of the conflict. The decisive moment of his break with the world and the past, Knowles said, occurred at Northampton, in October 1164 when Becket's confessor advised him, "The affair is no longer in your hands but God's, and He will be with you. Stand fast in your just cause." Thereafter, Knowles wrote Becket " carried his cross with a realization of its power and of its message."

As I see it Becket had an inferiority complex. He thought he was below anyone in authority above him and all those whom he served, and he thought and knew he was above all those who owed him fealty and homage. He served whomsoever he was subordinate to in an extraordinary manner. He knew his place. He was obsequious. He was undoubtedly extremely gifted in the service of others. He used his skills to serve whomsoever he owed fealty and homage to: he served that person to his utmost skill. Whosoever it was they were always amazed with the job he did for them, whether that was Osbert Huit-Deniers, Archbishop Theobald of Bec, King Henry II as Chancellor, the Pope and God as Archbishop of Canterbury, and finally God as Saint. However serving both the King and God at the same time proved contradictory. To resolve this contradiction he chose God.

One might seek to understand or speculate where Becket learnt to respect the notion of hierarchy so noticeably. The church had hierarchy. The kingdom was also feudal in structure. Hierarchy abounded everywhere. At an early age Becket was sent to boarding school [Merton Priory]. The notion of hierarchy would almost certainly been enforced upon him in that environment. When he joined archbishop Theobald's court, clearly, Roger Pont de l'Eveque, later to become archbishop of York, thought of Becket as his subordinate or as a jumped up junior, enough to want to bully him. Hierarchy was of an everyday occurrence in environments like this - learn to respect and obey your betters and those set above you.


References

Inferiority complex - Wikipedia 


Zachary N. Brooke (1952). The English Church and the Papacy: From the Conquest to the Reign of John. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-36687-8. 

thomas of london. Chapter 9 Character of Thomas of London: CUP Archive. pp. 225–.
http://bit.ly/1QmyKU4
British Historical Documents: Life of Thomas Becket (Gervase of Canterbury) 1853
http://www.britannia.com/history/docs/becketgerv.html

The London Magazine, Or, Gentleman's Monthly Intelligencer. Character of the Famous Thomas Becket: R. Baldwin. 1767. pp. 393–.

Richard Hurrell Froude; James Bowling Mozley (1839). Remains of the Late Reverend Richard Hurrell Froude: v. 2. J. G. & F. Rivington. pp. 561–.
John Gillingham (1 January 2005). "Hanna Vollrath: Was Thomas Becket Chaste?"Proceedings of the Battle Conference 2004. Boydell Press. pp. 198–. ISBN 978-1-84383-132-7.

Gesine Opitz-Trotman (2010). "Birds, Beast and Becket ..."God's Bounty?: The Churches and the Natural World. Boydell & Brewer. pp. 78–. ISBN 978-0-9546809-6-1

Frank Barlow (1990). Thomas Becket. University of California Press. pp. 55–6. ISBN 978-0-520-07175-9.

Frank Barlow (1990). Thomas Becket. University of California Press. pp. 58–. ISBN 978-0-520-07175-9

Personality disorder - Wikipedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Personality_disorder

Obsessive–compulsive personality disorder - Wikipedia
https://archive.org/stream/annalsofrogerde01hove#page/331/mode/1up

 

Thursday, 6 June 2013

Currency in the time of Henry II

The currency in England in the time of Henry II was the silver penny, a coin made in theory from a pennyweight of sterling silver. The silver penny had already been used in England for several centuries, even before the Conquest of 1066. Weights for it were based on the Tower Pound, [defined as] a standard weight of 5400 grains [ears of dry wheat]. This standard weight was already in use on the continent in the regions of Germany known as Saxony. This standard was also called the Moneyer's pound. A pennyweight was 1/240th portion of the Tower Pound (12 Pennies = 1 Shilling [unit of account only - no coin], and 20 Shillings = 1 Tower Pound). A pennyweight was therefore 22.5 grains. [In France the Tower Pound was known as La Livre de Rochelle or Tournoise]. A master copy of the Tower Pound was kept in the Tower of London by King William I and his heirs, hence its name.

Fine or Standard or Pure Silver was too soft. It had to be hardened for coinage purposes by adding other metals, turning it into an alloy. The alloy used for the coinage was called Sterling Silver, in theory 92.5% fine silver plus 7.5% base metals: tin, copper, lead, a mix, whatever.

The actual weight and silver content of any coin could be reduced by any number of means: clipping, wear and tear, fraudulent minting, debasing the quality of the material used and so forth.

The important matter to understand about the currency was that the royal taxes had to be paid for using the coin of the realm, and not just any coins, but generally the coins of the current king with his head or symbols on them, coins of known and accepted size and weight, and quality, precursor to the concept of legal tender. And if one did not have these particular coins in one's possession one often had to buy or obtain  them from the king's agents, and, of course at profit to the king or his agents. Throughout the kingdom there were licensed moneyers or minters producing these coins, including some bishops.

Once the tax collections had been received, the quality, weight, of the takings, that is the silver content of the coins, were tested for, and their value assayed, and the true value of the takings entered into the "books" [Pipe Rolls] as blanche value. Certain counties were allowed to return taxes by coin count or tale, rather than real silver content value.

Blanche value = White Silver or Fine Silver = de albo argento

Much later than Henry II's time judgement of the fineness of the silver in the coinage was formalised in the ceremony known as the Trial of the Pyx.

England

1 Pound Sterling Silver = 20 Shillings = 240 Pence  [£ s d]

1 Pound of Sterling Silver = 1 Tower Pound of Silver

1 Tower Pound was closely related to the Troy system but lighter than 1 Troy Pound
[Troy = Troyes in France]

1 Tower Pound = 5400 grains [or 349.91 grams]

1 Pennyweight [Tower Pound] was 1.458 grams

There was only one coin in circulation, namely, the silver penny.  There were no pound coins or shilling coins, or marks. The larger units were therefore only units of account, calculated at these rates: 12 silver pennies = 1 shilling, 160 silver pennies = 1 mark,  240 silver pennies = one pound.

In the Middle East in the Arab domains there was circulating a silver Dirham coin of 45 full grown barley grains. Ten Dirhams made a Wukryeh of 450 grains, which is called an "ounce", from the Latin "uncia".

12 Ounces = 120 Dirhams = 1 Tower Pound

1 Shilling = 270 grains [= 17.4955 grams of silver]

1 Silver Penny = 22.5 grains [= 1.458 grams of silver]

The pennyweight was the weight of a silver penny.

The penny was introduced into England by King Offa, the king of Mercia (from 757 until his death in July 796), using as a model a coin first struck by Pepin the Short. King Offa minted a penny made of silver which weighed 2212 grains or 240 pennies weighing one Saxon pound (or Tower pound—equal to 5,400 grains—as it was afterwards called), hence the term pennyweight..

In the two centuries after 1080 the mass of the penny was kept at 22.5 grains, and from the 8th century(?) to 1971 there were 240 pennies in a (monetary) pound. The Tower pound is equal to the mass of 240 pennies, each of 22.5 grains.

1 Mark = 2/3rds of a Tower Pound = 13s 4d


Silver Penny Henry II of England

France

In France, in the Touraine,  there was a unit of account called the Sou (or Solidus [Sol]). The Denier was the currency minted in the city of Tours. 12 Deniers = 1 Sou.

20 Sous = 1 Livre Tournois

The livre tournois was a value of account of 240 deniers or 20 sous.

1 Livre Tournois was about 409 grams of silver. The actual silver content  of the Denier was variable.


Denier féodal Abbaye de Saint Martin de Tours -Touraine XIIè


References

Henry II Tealby
Cross-and-Crosslets (“Tealby”) Coinage, 1158-1180
Spink (or Seaby) coin numbers 1337 - 1342

Short Cross
Short Cross Coinage
Spink (or Seaby) coin numbers 1343 - 1357

THE FIRST COINAGE, OR "TEALBY "TYPE, OF HENRY II
G. C. Brooke
The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Royal Numismatic Society
Fifth Series, Vol. 7, No. 28 (1927), pp. 313-341
Published by: Royal Numismatic Society

British Numismatic Journal 1918 pp 13-37
ON THE FIRST COINAGE OF HENRY II.
By L. A. LAWRENCE., F.S.A.

British Numismatic Journal 1915 (Vol. 11) pp 59-100
L. A. Lawrence The Short Cross coinage, 1180 to 1247
https://www.britnumsoc.org/publications/Digital%20BNJ/pdfs/1915_BNJ_11_6.pdf

British Numismatic Journal 2003 pp 76-88
EARLY MEDIEVAL COINAGE, 1066-1279
MARION M. ARCHIBALD
https://www.britnumsoc.org/publications/Digital%20BNJ/pdfs/2003_BNJ_73_7.pdf

The Tealby hoard pot – a little waster with a long life
https://romanlincolnshire.wordpress.com/2018/01/07/the-tealby-hoard-pot/

Allen, D. F., Catalogue of the English coins in the British Museum. Henry II, Cross-and-Crosslets type, London, 1951.
The Cross-And-Crosslets Or "Tealby" Coinage
(1158-1180)
Tealby


Emma Howard (10 December 2018). Coins of England & The United Kingdom (2019). Plantagenet Kings 1154-1399: Spink Books. pp. 193–. ISBN 978-1-912667-08-6.

SILVER WEIGHT AND MINTED WEIGHT IN ENGLAND c.l000-1320.
2006_BNJ_76_2_2.pdf

NIGHTINGALE, PAMELA. “The Ora, the Mark, and the Mancus: Weight-Standards and the Coinage in Eleventh-Century England PART 1.” The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-), vol. 143, Royal Numismatic Society, 1983, pp. 248–57, http://www.jstor.org/stable/42665187.

NIGHTINGALE, PAMELA. “The Ora, the Mark, and the Mancus: Weight-Standards and the Coinage in Eleventh-Century England: Part 2.” The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-), vol. 144, Royal Numismatic Society, 1984, pp. 234–48, http://www.jstor.org/stable/42667394.

ALLEN, MARTIN. “The Weight Standard of the English Coinage 1158-1279.” The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-), vol. 165, Royal Numismatic Society, 2005, pp. 227–33, http://www.jstor.org/stable/42667286.

KIM, YOUNG SIK, and MANJONG LEE. “Separation of Unit of Account from Medium of Exchange.” Journal of Money, Credit and Banking, vol. 45, no. 8, Wiley, 2013, pp. 1685–703, http://www.jstor.org/stable/42920089.

Archaeologia, Volume 18
1817 , pp. 1-8
I. A Description of a large Collection of Pennies of Henry II. discovered at Tealby, in Lincolnshire. By Taylor Combe, Esq. Director. Sec. R.S.
https://doi.org/10.1017/S0261340900025960https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=njp.32101076451549;view=2up;seq=22;skin=mobile

https://archive.org/details/tableofenglishsi00folk

History of the English penny (1154–1485) - Wikipedia

George Lyttelton Baron Lyttelton (1768). The History [of The] Life of King Henry the Second, and of the Age in which He Lived: G. Faulkner. pp. 532–40.

Christopher Harper-Bill; Nicholas Vincent (2007). "Martin Allen: Henry II and the English Coinage". Henry II: New Interpretations. Boydell Press. pp. 257–77. ISBN 978-1-84383-340-6.

Martin Allen (2012). Mints and Money in Medieval England. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-01494-7.

Royal Society (London) (1856). Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London:. Volume 146, Part 1. XXXII: On the Construction of the New Standard Imperial Pound. pp. 753–

Giles E. M. Gasper; Svein H. Gullbekk (9 March 2016). Money and the Church in Medieval Europe, 1000-1200: Practice, Morality and Thought. Routledge. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-1-317-09436-4.












Archive.org. A Study of Legal Tender in England

En.wikipedia.org. 2009.
History of the English penny (1154–1485) - Wikipedia
English coin database UK 2012.
English Coin Database - Henry II Tealby Penny.



Anglo-Norman Studies 34
Proceedings of the Battle Conference 2011
Edited by David Bates
July 2012, Pages: 288
Published by: Boydell Press, an imprint of Boydell & Brewer
eISBN: 978-1-84615-971-8
MINTS AND MONEY IN NORMAN ENGLAND
Martin Allen
Pages: 1-22
In 1066 England had a highly developed coinage, which was left almost untouched by the Norman Conquest, in the short term at least. The system documented by Domesday Book in 1086 is essentially that of Edward the Confessor in 1066, with large numbers of moneyers in dozens of urban centres minting silver pennies and making profits for the king and local magnates, lay and ecclesiastical. The moneyers paid fees to obtain their coin dies in London, and the designs on the dies were regularly changed to generate more income from the issue of coins to people who needed money of...



John Craig. The Mint: A History of the London Mint from A.D. 287 to 1948. Cambridge University Press. pp. 28–. ISBN 978-0-521-17077-2.






 

Dumas Françoise. La monnaie dans les domaines Plantagenêt. In: Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 29e année (n°113-114), Janvier-juin 1986. Y a-t-il une civilisation du monde plantagenêt ? Actes du Colloque d'Histoire Médiévale. Fontevraud, 26-28 avril 1984. pp. 53-59.
DOI : 10.3406/ccmed.1986.2315

Silver production and the money supply in England and Wales, 1086–c. 1500
MARTIN ALLEN
The Economic History Review
Vol. 64, No. 1 (FEBRUARY 2011), pp. 114-131
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Economic History Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27919484
An Inquiry to Show, What Was the Ancient English Weight and Measure According to the Laws or Statutes, Prior to the Reign of Henry the Seventh
Philosophical Transactions (1683-1775)
Vol. 65 (1775), pp. 48-58
Published by: Royal Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/106174

Duncan Connors (2016). A History of Money. University of Wales Press. pp. 318–. ISBN 978-1-78316-311-3.

Troy weight - Wikipedia





Reforms

At Christmas 1124 Henry I summoned all the moneyers of the realm to Winchester, to an "Assize of Moneyers". Edge-clipping of coins had been rife and forgery was common. Furthermore the many of the minters themselves were producing underweight coins using debased silver mixed with lead. Two thirds of the minters ( 94 of them) summoned to appear were found guilty at the Assize and convicted of producing substandard coins, and had their right hands cut off and one testicle removed in punishment.

But during the reign of Stephen the king lost control over the quality of the coinage. Following the anarchy and at the beginning of the reign of Henry II the quality both of the design and production of coins in England had deteriorated even further.

During fourth year of his reign, in 1158, Henry II began a programme to rectify matters. He introduced a major reform of the coinage. There was a comprehensive replacement of all the coins in circulation. The number of minters licensed to produce coins in the land reduced to 4. Contemporary chroniclers recorded that 'a new money was made, which was the sole currency of the kingdom.' This coinage is called by modern numismatists Tealby Pennies after a hoard discovered in Lincolnshire in 1807. The coins are approximately the same size as US one cent pieces with a representation of the head of Henry II on them, with cross and crosslets. For the first time the king's name was placed on English coins. They were used the calculations in the Exchequer's Pipe Rolls [tax returns]. During this programme of reform Henry was ably assisted by Richard FitzNeal, natural son of the bishop of Ely, and who had been appointed Lord High Treasurer.  These measures were successful in improving the king's income. Further reforms were introduced later in 1160.

Debasement of the coinage was a constant problem during the Middle Ages and there had been two general ways to counter this: recoinage and/or the payment of certain fixed taxes using  blanched money where  the coins were melted down, the silver they contained blanched, to ascertain its fineness and freedom from alloy. Hence a payment in 'blank' or 'blanched' money, meant a payment of so many pounds of tried and tested, and genuinely assayed silver.

By the reforms he hoped to reverse Gresham' Law, by flushing out the old bad money out of circulation and to implement a standard pattern in the coinage.


Seigniorage is the profit or revenue raised through coining or printing money.

Henry II's recoinage in 1180



Christopher Harper-Bill; Nicholas Vincent (2007). Henry II: New Interpretations. Boydell Press. pp. 257–. ISBN 978-1-84383-340-6.

G.J. White. Restoration and Reform, 1153-1165. Cambridge University Press. pp. 159–. ISBN 978-1-139-42523-0.


G. J. Turner The Sheriff's Farm
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
New Series, Vol. 12, (1898), pp. 117-149

Sally Harvey (2014). Domesday: Book of Judgement. 6. Coinage, Treasury and the "Exchequer": Oxford University Press. pp. 137–. ISBN 978-0-19-966978-3.

N.J Mayhew writes in

N. J. Mayhew (1999). Sterling: the rise and fall of a currency. Allen Lane. ISBN 978-0-7139-9258-8. p. 11

"Ever since Anglo-Saxon times there had always been a special link between kingship and the currency. Coinage was one of the special rights and duties of the king. Political sovereignty and the control of the currency [and consequently taxation] have always gone hand in hand."

The history of the Trial of the Pyx

Trial of the Pyx - Wikipedia