Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
https://goo.gl/xyem88
Stanzas 448-466
Lines 2236 - 2330
448
De Compiegne se sunt li messagier turné.
E frere Franc ad bien sun message achevé :
L’apostolie l’a dit ; il l’a bien esculté.
L’arcevesque Thomas ad ore tant erré
2240 Que venuz est a Sanz, u la pape ad trové.
449
Mais ainceis que venist a Sanz li Deu amis,
Eut li reis a la pape ses messagiers tramis,
Evesques e baruns e chevaliers de pris.
Li apostolies ert de Rume idunc fuitis,
2245 E surjorna a Sanz meis, semaines e dis.
450
L’arcevesques i vint qui d’Evrewic ert maistre,
Vuit li Rus, e l’evesque i vint de Wirecestre,
E li quens d’Arundel e Richarz d’Ivecestre,
Johanz d’Oxeneford, l’evesque d’Execestre,
2250 Hue de Gundevile, Hylaires de Cicestre.
451
Cil de Saint Waleri, Renals, i est venuz,
Henris li fiz Gerold, qui ert des reaus druz,
Gilebert Foliot, qui ne s’i fist pas muz,
E des autres plusurs, e jovenes e chanuz.
2255 Tels i parla purquant qui fu pur fol tenuz.
452
Devant la pape esturent li messagier real.
Alquant diseient bien, pluisur diseient mal,
[70] Li alquant en latin, tel buen, tel anomal,
Tel qui fist personel del verbe impersonal,
2260 Singuler e plurel aveit tut parigal.
453
Tel i out des prelaz parla si egrement
Que la pape li dist : « Frater, tempreement ;
Car mesdire de lui ne sufferai neent. »
Lur paroles n’ai pas tutes ci en present,
2265 Mais ço que unt requis dirrai, mun escïent.
454
« Sire, li reis Henris, funt li li messagier,
Vus requiert e deprie cum sun pere treschier
Que dous tels chardenals li faciez enveier
Qui bien puissent par tut lïer e deslïer,
2270 Ne par apel nes puisse nuls huem contralïer.
455
Mais qu’il seient si fort e en tel poesté
Que quanqu’il ferunt seit en estabilité ;
Devant els n’ait apel ne contredit furmé.
E se li reis Henris a de rien meserré
2275 Encontre l’arcevesque, par els seit amendé.
456
E se li arcevesques ad vers li trespassé,
Par els seit adrescié, jugié e achevé. »
Ici semblout aveir par tut grant leauté ;
Mais n’i out un sul mot par tut de verité,
2280 Fors mult grant trecherie e decevableté.
457
Li reis ert riches huem, sages e de grant art ;
Sout bien que chardenal sunt pernant e lumbart :
Coveitus sunt d’aveir plus que vilain d’essart.
Li reis ad dous privez, Sorel e dan Blanchart :
2285 Tost funt del buen malvais e del hardi cuart.
458
Ne porent l’apostolie par engin deceveir.
Il lur ad respundu cum huem de grant saveir :
« Tel poesté ne puet nuls chardenaus aveir.
Par mei n’avra nul d’els de desraisun poeir ;
2290 En poesté de pape ne voil nul aseeir. »
[71] 459
Mes quant li messager le rei alerent la,
Renald l’arcediacres a Curbuil sejorna.
Encontre les messages tresqu’a Paris ala.
Cel’henor li fesissent, par amor lor prea,
2295 Ke od lui herbergassent ; grant gré lor en savra.
460
De bones genz, ço dit, en sun païs esteit,
Mes por sun arcevesque departi s’en esteit.
Se l’onur li fesissent que il lor requereit,
Li boens reis Loëwis de plus cher l’en avreit,
2300 Ki abé de Curbuil a cel tens fet l’aveit.
461
« Por le rei ne volum, funt il, od vus manger ;
Mal gré nus en savreit, car ne vus ad pas chier.
– Ne porrez, fet il, tot a la pape espleitier.
Mes se volez od mei a mun cust herberger,
2305 D’un de ses enemis porrez le rei vengier. »
462
Dunc sunt avant a Sanz a l’apostoile alé.
E quant ne porent faire ço qu’orent demandé,
Un afaire lor ad la pape graenté :
Que Rogers d’Everwic ert legaz del regné.
2310 Li bref en furent fait ; mes ne furent livré.
463
Mes Reinals li Lumbard fud de la curt privez.
Quant sout que cist afaires fu issi atornez,
De nuit est a la curt priveement alez.
Car li reis d’Engletere ert le jor mult dotez,
2315 Ne il ne voleit pas que il fust encusez.
464
A l’apostoile ad dit : « Sire, ne fetes ja.
Si Roger d’Everwic la legation a,
Les prelaz que li reis het, toz desposera. »
Tant fist que l’apostoile toz les briefs detrencha
2320 Qu’il aveit ainz fet fere, e altres lor livra.
465
Li messagier le rei se sunt mult entremis
De faire lur espleit, mais il n’i unt plus pris.
Muntent en lur chevals, ariere se sunt mis.
[72] Cil de Saint Waleri ot en la terre amis ;
2325 Altrement fussent il mesmené el païs.
466
Il ne voleient pas lur arcevesque atendre,
Car il nel porent pas en nul liu entreprendre.
Tost freeit d’els tel chose a l’apostolie entendre
Dunt peüssent mult tost en nuisance descendre ;
2330 N’il ne se porent pas a tuz les puinz defendre.
448
[King Henry's] messengers arrived from Compiègne. And brother Franco delivered his message well. He related it to the Pope who listened to it attentively. Archbishop Thomas set off immediately. He came to Sens where he found the Pope.
449
But before the friend of God arrived there, king [Henry] had already sent his own envoys to the Pope: bishops, barons and knights of renown. The Pope had fled from Rome and had been living in Sens for many months, weeks and days..
450
Among those who came there were the archbishop of York, where he was master; seen there were [Guy] le Roux, and the bishop who was from Worcester; and the earl of Arundel and Richard of Ilchester, John of Oxford and the bishop of Exeter, Hugh de Gundeville, Hilary [bishop] of Chichester.
451
Came there [also] Renaud de Saint Valéry, Henry Fitz Gerald who were intimates of the king, Gilbert Foliot [bishop of London] who did not remain silent there, and many others, both young and old [those whose hair had turned grey]. On that account such persons who spoke there were held to be quite insane.
452
The kings envoys stood before the Pope. Some spoke well, many spoke badly, some expressed themselves in Latin without regard to its [grammatical] rules, such as the one who made impersonal verbs personal, [and] treating singular and plural forms as completely equal.
453
[And] such as the prelate who spoke in so harsh a manner [so much so] that the Pope said to him: <<Brother, have restraint, as I will not suffer anyone speaking ill of him.>> I do not have all of their [exact] words [used] before me, but I will mention those of note known to me.
454
<<Sire, king Henry,>> the envoys said to him, <<beseeches and requests that, as his dearest [spiritual] father, you will send to him two such cardinals who are sufficiently empowered in all matters to bind and to loose [to act with indisputable authority] so that no one can contradict their decision[s] by an appeal,
455
>> But that they should be strong enough and have such powers that whatever they do should be steadfast such that [at any hearing] before them no one may organize an appeal or challenge their decision, and that if king Henry has committed a wrong towards the archbishop, it should be put right by them.
456
>> And if the archbishop has committed a transgression against him, it should be set to rights, judged and completely settled by them.>>
All this sounded as if it was made in complete great faith; but in truth, not one word of it had any sincerity. Indeed it was nothing but full of trickery and very great deceit.
457
The king is a rich man, wise and of considerable skill. Know well that cardinals are all-take and greedy for money [like Lombards]. Covetous are they for wealth more than a villein is for cleared land [in a forest]. The king has two privy counsellors in his private circle, Sorel [he who is avaricious for red (refined) gold] and Lord Blanchart[he who is desirous of blanched (fine) silver].who are quick atmaking the good evil and the daring cowards.
458
They were not able to deceive the Pope by trickery. He replied to them like a man possessed of great wisdom: <<Such power cannot be held by any cardinal. By me I will grant no one such power contrary to reason. I have no wish to set up anyone in the dominion of the Pope.>>
Rough Translation [temporary]
458
The Pope was not deceived by this trick; he replied as a very wise man: "No cardinal can hold such power. No one will benefit by me from an unjust authority, and I do not intend to install one in the pontificate! "
459
And when the king's messengers went to the Pope, the archdeacon Renaud resided in Corbeil, and he went to meet them to Paris. He kindly begged them to do him the honour of lodging at his house, and he thanked them in advance.
460
In his country, he tells them, he belonged to a good family, but he had left because of his archbishop. If they did him the honour he solicited, he would be more esteemed by the good King Louis, who had made him abbot of Corbeil.
461
"Because of our king," said they, "we will not eat with you; he will not be pleased with it, for he does not love you. "You will not succeed in obtaining everything from the Pope," said Renaud, "but if you agree to stay with me at my expense, you will succeed in avenging the King of one of his enemies." "
462
After that, they continued on their way to Sens, at the Pope's house. And as he could not do what they had asked, he promised them as a concession that Roger [archbishop] of York would be legate-born for the kingdom; the act was drawn up, but was not delivered.
463
Renaud le Lombard was a familiar of the apostolic court. When he heard that the affair had thus turned out, he went there secretly at night -for the King of England was very much feared by day, and he did not want to be denounced-
464 and he said to the pope, "Lord, do not do that! If Roger of York obtains the legation, he will lay down all the prelates that the king hates. Renaud did so well that the Pope cut into small pieces the act he had had made before, and delivered another piece to the messengers.
465
The king's messengers went to great lengths to achieve their ends, but they obtained nothing more. They mounted on horseback and returned. Renaud de Saint-Valery had relations in the country; otherwise, they would have been mistreated.
466
They did not want to wait for their archbishop because they were not able to attack in any way: it would make them, early on, understand the Pope something that could very quickly serve them, and they could not defend themselves on all points.
References
David Knowles (2 January 1951). The Episcopal Colleagues of Archbishop Thomas Becket: Being the Ford Lectures Delivered in the University of Oxford in Hilary Term 1949. Cambridge University Press. pp. 91–. ISBN 978-0-521-05493-5.
John Morris (1859). The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, Etc. Chapter XIX The Pope: Longman, Brown. pp. 160–.
John Allen Giles (1846). The Life and Letters of Thomas À Becket: Now First Gathered from the Contemporary Historians. Chapter XXII Whittaker and Company. pp. 278–.
James J. Spigelman (2004). Becket & Henry: The Becket Lectures. James Spigelman. pp. 157–. ISBN 978-0-646-43477-3.
William Holden Hutton (8 May 2014). Thomas Becket. Cambridge University Press. pp. 116–. ISBN 978-1-107-66171-4.
Tuesday, 20 November 2018
Monday, 19 November 2018
Garnier Becket tries to see the Young King December 1170
Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
https://goo.gl/xyem88
Stanzas 954 - 989Lines 4766 - 4945
954
Mais poi après iço qu’il revint d’ultre mer,
Ne volt pas longement en sun sié demurer
Que il n’alast al rei de la terre parler.
Mais ainz i fist un moine en sun message aler,
4770 Richar, qui de Dovre out l’iglise a governer.
955
Le jovene rei aveit a Wincestre trové.
La erent del païs li barun asemblé,
Deien, arcediachene, persones e abé,
Par le conseil des treis qui esteient sevré
4775 De comune de gent, e Gefrei l’Espusé.
956
Sis eglises aveit el regne senz pastur.
Pur c’erent asemblé celes genz a cel jur,
E li prince e li conte e des baruns pluisur,
Pur eslire e sortir pastur a cele honur.
4780 D’iluec durent passer ultre mer senz demur.
957
La durent les persones e eslire e doner,
Par le conseil des quatre que m’oïstes nummer.
N’i voldrent arcevesque ne primat apeler,
Ne pluisurs des evesques, que jo n’i voil celer,
4785 Ces qu’il sorent qui voldrent en lealté ester :
958
N’i voldrent pas aveir l’evesque de Wincestre,
Ne dan Bertelemeu l’evesque d’Execestre,
Le gentil e le buen Rogier de Wirecestre,
Ne l’evesque d’Ely, qui n’i out cure d’estre.
4790 A tel sacre ne dut produem metre sa destre.
959
En nul liu ne deit estre evesques ordenez,
Tant n’i avra evesques venuz ne asemblez,
Senz conseil del primat ; ço rove li Decrez :
De treis evesques seit, se besuig surt, sacrez ;
4795 Senz comant del primat ne deit estre alevez.
960
E s’um deit el pais nul evesque ordener,
Hum i deit les evesques del reaume mand
E ceaus qu’um n’i purra aveir ne asembler,
Lur message od lur letres i deivent faire aler,
4800 Saveir mun s’il voldrunt cel sacre graanter.
961
S’evesques u prestre est esliz e alevez,
U diachenes, par prince, que il seit degradez ;
E se nul ad tenu seculers poestez,
E par celes purchast divines dignitez,
4805 Ostez seit de comune e del tut deposez.
962
Jo ne vei clerc ne lai tenir lei ne decré ;
E cil qui pis le tienent, ço sunt li ordené.
Car pur ço que il criement perdre lur dignité,
Se sunt del tut suzmis a laie poesté ;
4810 Quel part que li venz turt, se plessent od l’oré.
963
Ne sunt pas fil Jesu, ainz sunt tuit forslignié.
N’erent uan, s’il poent, pur Deu crucifïé ;
Mult enviz perdereient ço qu’il unt enbracié.
Ne sunt pas né del ciel, n’i unt lur vis drecié :
4815 De terre sunt furmé, vers la terre enbrunchié.
964
Li evesque devreient tut le munt adrecier ;
Buen humme deivent estre, buen clerc, né de moillier.
Bon’ente en bon estoc deit bien fructifïer ;
En malvais estoc vei bon’ente mal fruchier :
4820 Qui malvais arbre aluche, malvais fruit deit mangier.
965
Diables ad les princes e les reis avoglez.
Cil qui ad malvais pere, malvais’est s’eritez ;
Cil qui ad fieble chief, sovent est flaelez ;
Quant li filz fait le pere, li ordres est muez :
4825 Li ciels est suz la terre, n’est un point estelez.
966
Quant li reis fait pastur, tel le deit esguarder
Qui il puisse sun cors e s’aneme comander.
E quant de gré le fait tel qui tost volt verser,
[149] E fait pure esmeralde en plum encastuner,
4830 N’en voil altrui que lui jugement demander.
967
Um deit a saint’iglise doner si net pastur
C’um li puisse sun chief suzmettre par honur.
Saint’iglise est espuse al soveraing Seignur ;
E s’um done a s’espuse malvais guverneür,
4835 A Deu e a s’espuse en fait um deshonur. –
968
A Wincestre est li mes l’arcevesque venuz.
Mais li uis de la chambre li fu mult defenduz ;
Car de clers e de lais fu dutez e cremuz,
Qu’il n’aportast tels briés u n’eüst pas saluz
4840 E par quei alchuns d’els ne fust dunc suspenduz.
969
Li messagiers parla mult enseignïement,
E dist qu’il n’aportout nul malveis mandement :
Li primaz aime mult e le rei e sa gent.
Tant ad fait que il out le jovene rei present.
4845 Parfunt li enclina e parla humblement :
970
« Thomas li arcevesques, fait il, de Cantorbire,
Legaz del sié de Rome, primaz de tut l’enpire,
Salue rei Henri, qui d’Engleterre est sire.
Asez l’avez par altres, Sire reis, oï dire ;
4850 Par mes lettres purquant le vus ai fait escrire,
971
E pur ço que jo voil que par mei le saciez :
Que mei e vostre pere, qui ert vers mei iriez,
Que Deus li pius nus ad par sa grace amaisiez,
En concorde e en pais e en amur lïez.
4855 Mais pluisurs en i ad qui en vei coreciez ;
972
E me volent vers vus mesler e mal tenir
E l’amur e la pais desfaire e envanir ;
Dient que jo vus voil la corune tolir.
Mais einsi m’aït Deus, qui tuit deivent servir,
4860 Si me doinst Deus la joie celestre partenir,
973
Cum jo pluisurs reaumes, od cel que vus avez,
[150] Vus voldreie aveir ja par ma char conquestez,
Si que mis sancs i fust en partie wastez,
Mais si que jo n’en fuisse de Deu achaisunez,
4865 Si m’aït a la fin la sainte Ternetez.
974
E coment vus quereie ne mal ne deshonur,
Qui jo tienc, e dei faire, pur rei e pur seignur
E de tut le reaume e eir e successur,
E qui j’aim sur tuz hummes, en fei e en amur,
4870 Senz mun seignur le rei, qui me mist en l’onur ?
975
Mais de c’est en mun quer grant amerté asise,
Que ne vus ai el chief la corune d’or mise,
Sulunc la dignité de nostre mere iglise ;
E pur ç’ai par mes lettres vostre bunté requise
4875 Que puisse a vus parler d’el, d’iceste mesprise. »
976
Bien aveit cil Richarz sun message conté.
Mais ses conseilz aveit al jovene rei loé
Qu’il n’at a l’arcevesque a cele feiz parlé ;
E danz Gefreiz Ridel li ad dit e juré
4880 Que li vielz reis l’en ad sun curage mustré :
977
Il ne volt pas qu’il deie a cel humme parler,
Qui le volt del reaume, s’il puet, deseriter,
La corune del chief e tolir e oster.
Dunc fist a l’arcevesque dous chevaliers aler ;
4885 Thomas de Turnebug en oï l’un nummer,
978
E Jocelins i est de part le rei venuz :
Tuz les recez le rei li aveit defenduz,
Viles, burcs e chastaus ; mar i sereit veüz.
Ja ert li arcevesques tresqu’a Lundres meüz.
4890 Alout parler al rei. A Suerc est descenduz.
979
« Coment, fait saint Thomas, avez me desfïé ?
– Nenal, fait Jocelins ; mais ço vus ad mandé
Li reis. Car trop avez envers lui meserré,
E leis e us volez oster de sun regné,
4895 La corune tolir al jovene coruné.
980
Vus menez par sa terre les chevaliers armez,
E clers d’estrange terre el païs amenez,
E avez ses prelaz de lur mestier sevrez.
Or volt li reis Henris que vus les asolez.
4900 De ço e d’autres choses granz torz fait li avez. »
981
Dunc respundi li ber, ne s’i volt pas plus taire :
« N’est pas dreiz, fait lur il, ne nel vi ainc retraire,
Ço que li plus halz fist plus bas peüst desfaire ;
Parkes ço que la pape fait, conferme e fait faire
4905 Nel puet plus bas de lui par dreit metre en repaire. »
982
Dunc li unt respundu a voiz li forssené :
« Se vus ne faites ço que li reis a mandé,
Il en avra tut dreit ; mult iert chier comparé. »
(Tut cest conseil aveient furni e aturné
4910 Li trei prelat qui erent de lur mestier sevré.)
983
Mult dulcement idunc lur respundi li ber :
Se l’evesque de Lundres voleit a lui aler
E cil de Salesbire, e voleient jurer
Al dreit de saint’iglise e a la pais ester,
4915 Il en voldra grant fais sur li prendre e porter ;
984
E al conseil le rei s’il se volt apuier,
E al conseil l’evesque de Wircestre, Rogier,
E as autres evesques a qui deit conseillier,
Al honur l’apostolie les voldra bel traitier
4920 E en humilité, e mult li erent chier.
985
Fait li dunc Jocelins : « Quant en ço vus tenez
Que les prelaz le rei asoldre ne volez,
Or vus defent li reis ses burcs e ses citez
E viles e chastals, que mar i enterez.
4925 Faire vostre mestier a Cantorbire alez !
986
– Quant ne puis, fait li sainz, par ma parole aler
Paroses e eglises conseillier e guarder,
Ne puis pas mun mestier faire ne celebrer. »
Par iteles paroles entendi bien li ber
4930 Qu’il deveit par martire hastivement finer.
987
Dunc comanda a Deu, qui des bons est saluz,
Les Lundreis e la cit. Puis s’en est revenuz.
Maint miracle a fait Deus la u fu descenduz,
D’avogles, de contraiz e de surz e de muz,
4935 De leprus cui revient e santez e vertuz.
988
Comandé s’est a Deu, e puis s’en returna.
Enz emmi le chemin, la u il mielz erra,
Es viles e es burcs les enfanz conferma.
Del cheval descendi la u hum les porta ;
4940 En nul liu de servir Deu grief ne li sembla.
989
Deu servi volentiers. N’i estuet alumer
Par tut la u s’estut as enfanz confermer ;
Les chapeles poum qu’i sunt faites, trover.
La fait Deus cius veer, surz oïr, muz parler,
4945 Leprus munder, les morz e revivre e aler.
Translation
954 Soon after his return from over the sea [from exile in France], he [Thomas Becket] determined he would not demure for long in his see without having gone to speak with the king of the land; so he sent before him a message by means of a monk, Richard, head of the church at Dover.
955 The Young King was found at Winchester. There assembled were the barons of the land, deans, archdeacons, parsons and abbots They were there on the counsel of the three bishops who had been severed from communion with the people [excommunicated/suspended, namely the bishops of London and Salisbury, and the archbishop of York], and Geoffrey, the married one [Geoffrey Ridel, archdeacon (archdiabolus) of Canterbury who was later appointed bishop of Ely, but who also had to renounce his marriage before he could take up his post] .
956 There were six churches [bishoprics] in the kingdom which were without a pastor [bishop]. That is why these people, namely the prince, the earls, and many barons, were assembled that day [at Winchester] to select and appoint pastors to these honours. Those whom they selected had to cross over the sea [to the king] without delay.
957 There the parsons must be both elected and given [their posts] on the counsel of the four you've heard me name before. Neither did they wanted to summon the archbishop, nor the several bishops of whom I have no wish to hide, those whom they knew were loyal [to Becket].
958 They did not want to have amongst them the Bishop of Winchester, nor Master Bartholomew of Exeter, nor the gentle and good Roger of Worcester, neither the bishop of Ely, who did not wish to be there. No one ought to extend his right hand to such a consecration.
959 Nowhere can bishops be ordained in thus manner. It is necessary to assemble as many of bishops as possible. If necessary, three bishops can confer the consecration, but the bishop cannot be elevated to his office without the consent of the primate [metropolitan]. Thus stateth the Canonical decree.
960 And if a bishop is to be ordained in the land, it is necessary to summon all the bishops of the kingdom; those who cannot attend this assembly may send messengers with letters. Thus may it be known whether they approve of the consecration.
961 If a bishop or priest has been chosen and raised to his diocese by a prince, he is to be degraded. Anyone who has exercised secular authority and has purchased his divine office let him be wholly deposed and denied communion with the faithful.
962 I cannot see, neither cleric nor lay person, holding to the law of this decree, those who have been thus ordained, for they fear they may lose their offices. In thus manner they submit completely to the secular power, They bend before the wind wherever it comes from hoping for fairer weather.
963 They are not sons of Jesus: they are all degenerate. This year they will not let themselves be crucified for God! They are utterly loathed to lose what they have embraced. They are not born of heaven; their gaze is not in that direction. They are baked from earth and it is towards earth they bow.
964 A bishop should put the world on the straight path: he must be a good men and good cleric, born of a woman in wedlock. A good cutting grafted onto the right rootstock will bear good fruit; and I see that a good cutting grafted onto poor rootstock will bear bad fruit: Cultivate a bad tree, bad will be the quality of its fruit [as ye sow, so shall ye reap].
965 Devils blind princes and kings! Whosoever has had a bad father poor is his heritage. He who has a weak chief will often be scourged. When the son does this to the father, order is overturned. The heavens are under the ground and the stars are no longer visible.
966 When the king appoints a pastor [bishop] , he ought to see to it to find one who can command his body and soul. And depending on the extent to he does this he decides to reverse this then it is as if pure emerald were to be set in lead: no one else can judge him but himself for this act.
967 One must give to Holy Church such a pastor whom we can submit to with honour. Holy Church is the wife of the sovereign Master; if He has taken a bride who is a bad steward, God is dishonoured by such a marriage.
968 The archbishop's messenger of Thomas thus came to Winchester, but found that the chamber was heavily guarded and barred against him. That was because both the clergy and laity feared that he was bearing letters which were not salutations but contained suspensions for some of them.
969 The messenger strongly pointed out saying that he brought no such malevolent mandate: but that the primate much loved the King and his people. Thus he gained access into the Young King's presence, where he bowed to him, and speaking humbly, he said:
970 "Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, legate of the Holy See of Rome and primate of the whole empire, greets King Henry, who is lord of England. Sire, you have heard enough said by others, wherefore that is why yet I am writing this letter to you.
971 "So that you may learn from me too, when your father was angry against me, that the good God has, by His grace, made peace between us and bound us in concord, harmony and love. But many have been infuriated by this.
972 And want me to quarrel with you, and have a evil intent, and want to undo and make disappear the love and peace: they say that I want to take away the crown from you! But not so! so help me God, whom we must serve, God who may grant me to be blessed with heavenly joy
973 How many kingdoms I would like you to have besides those which you already have, I would have conquered them for you with my own flesh, and spill a part of my blood, but not if I become accused before God, so may the Holy Trinity help me at the end.
974 So how is it that I seek to do you harm or to dishonour you, whom I behold as and must do [for you] as king and lord, heir and successor to the kingdom, whom I love above all men in faith and with affection except my lord the king, who placed me in this [position of] honour?
975 "However, [I must tell you of] of how much bitterness there is in my heart for not having placed the crown of gold upon your head, according to the privilege of our mother church.Therefore, by my letter, I beg your bounty to let me speak to you about this and other matters."
976 Well did Richard deliver this message. But his advisers counselled the young king not to speak at this time to the archbishop .And master Geoffrey Ridel said to him and swore that the old king had spoken from the heart to him about this:
977 That he did not want his son to talk to this man, who, if he could, would deprive him of the inheritance of his kingdom, and who would take away and remove the crown from his head. The young king then sent to the archbishop two knights: one among that number was Thomas de Tournebu.
[I am of the opinion that the King did not have any right to deny access into the presence of the King in Council by the archbishop of Canterbury, as the archbishop was legally a baron and in order of precedence, the second person in the kingdom. On this occasion when the Young King was discussing who would be candidates to fill the vacant bishops' sees, the archbishop should have been present.]
978 And Joscelin came to him on behalf of the king. He forbade the Archbishop to enter any of the King's refuges: vills, boroughs and castles -woe unto him if he is seen in any of them! The archbishop had already reached London in order to speak to the king; he had alighted at Southwark.
[The two knights were Joscelin of Leuven, younger brother of Adeliza, Queen of Henry I, together with a knight called Thomas of Turnebuke]
979 "What!" said St. Thomas, "do you defy me?" - "Not at all," said Jocelin, "but you are ordered to do this by the King, because you have acted very badly towards him: you want to overthrow the laws and customs of his kingdom, and take away the crown from the Young King,
980 "You pass through his country with armed knights, you bring with you clerics from foreign lands and countries, and you have cut off prelates from their ministries. Henry now wants you to absolve them because in this as in other matters, you did greatly insult him."
[The knights are almost accusing Becket of lèse-majesté.]
981 Then the valiant one could no longer remain silent, and answered, "that is not right," he said to him " I have never seen it before laid down that what has been done by a person of higher rank may be undone by one of lesser rank; because that which has been actually done, and fully confirmed by Pope may not be legitimately undone by one of lesser authority."
982 These madmen replied in one voice.: "If you do not submit to that which the King has commanded, he will exert his right, and you will punished for it dearly!" All this advice had been provided and drawn up by the three prelates who had been cut off from their ministries.
983 Then the noble one replied calmly to them saying that if the bishop of London and of Salisbury wished to come to him and swear to hold to the law of Holy Church and keep the peace, he was ready and willing to take up and bear the heavy responsibility of doing this,
984 And of the King's council, if he was willing, and with the advice of Roger of Worcester and the other bishops whom he had to consult, he would negotiate with humility [on their behalf] with the Apostolic honour [his holiness the Pope], and they would be very dear to him.
985 Joscelin then said, "since you persist in not wanting to absolve the King's prelates, the King has prohibited you access to his boroughs and cities, vills, and castles: woe unto you if you enter them! Go perform your ministry at Canterbury!
986 "How can I advise and monitor the churches and parishes, " said the saint, "if I cannot travel around to my flock? I cannot honourably perform my ministry." Having listened to such words the good man well understood that he must hastily come to his end as a martyr.
987 Bidding à Dieu, which is salvation to the righteous, he then turned back toward London and the City, where he made a halt, Many a miracle was performed by God at the place where he alighted, for the blind, cripples, the deaf, mute and lepers, who received both health and strength.
988 Bidding à Dieu to God he made his return. He set out along the road, thus the best one made his way. He confirmed children in the vills and boroughs, dismounting from his horse wherever they were brought to him. In no way did it seem painful to him to serve God:
989 Thus God was served willingly. There is no need to highlight all the places where he stopped to confirm children: you just have to find the chapels that have been built there. There God gives sight to the blind, hearing to the deaf, makes the dumb to speak, and the lepers are cleansed; the dead are revived to walk again.
990 Thus St. Thomas returned to his see, where he remained in his archbishopric for the rest of his life. Whenever he saw the poor, he took pity, working to serve God night and day. Well he knew he faced martyrdom. He had foretold this.
References
Constitutions of Clarendon: Mission of Richard, prior of Dover to the Young King, Dec 1170
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
https://goo.gl/xyem88
Stanzas 954 - 989Lines 4766 - 4945
954
Mais poi après iço qu’il revint d’ultre mer,
Ne volt pas longement en sun sié demurer
Que il n’alast al rei de la terre parler.
Mais ainz i fist un moine en sun message aler,
4770 Richar, qui de Dovre out l’iglise a governer.
955
Le jovene rei aveit a Wincestre trové.
La erent del païs li barun asemblé,
Deien, arcediachene, persones e abé,
Par le conseil des treis qui esteient sevré
4775 De comune de gent, e Gefrei l’Espusé.
956
Sis eglises aveit el regne senz pastur.
Pur c’erent asemblé celes genz a cel jur,
E li prince e li conte e des baruns pluisur,
Pur eslire e sortir pastur a cele honur.
4780 D’iluec durent passer ultre mer senz demur.
957
La durent les persones e eslire e doner,
Par le conseil des quatre que m’oïstes nummer.
N’i voldrent arcevesque ne primat apeler,
Ne pluisurs des evesques, que jo n’i voil celer,
4785 Ces qu’il sorent qui voldrent en lealté ester :
958
N’i voldrent pas aveir l’evesque de Wincestre,
Ne dan Bertelemeu l’evesque d’Execestre,
Le gentil e le buen Rogier de Wirecestre,
Ne l’evesque d’Ely, qui n’i out cure d’estre.
4790 A tel sacre ne dut produem metre sa destre.
959
En nul liu ne deit estre evesques ordenez,
Tant n’i avra evesques venuz ne asemblez,
Senz conseil del primat ; ço rove li Decrez :
De treis evesques seit, se besuig surt, sacrez ;
4795 Senz comant del primat ne deit estre alevez.
960
E s’um deit el pais nul evesque ordener,
Hum i deit les evesques del reaume mand
E ceaus qu’um n’i purra aveir ne asembler,
Lur message od lur letres i deivent faire aler,
4800 Saveir mun s’il voldrunt cel sacre graanter.
961
S’evesques u prestre est esliz e alevez,
U diachenes, par prince, que il seit degradez ;
E se nul ad tenu seculers poestez,
E par celes purchast divines dignitez,
4805 Ostez seit de comune e del tut deposez.
962
Jo ne vei clerc ne lai tenir lei ne decré ;
E cil qui pis le tienent, ço sunt li ordené.
Car pur ço que il criement perdre lur dignité,
Se sunt del tut suzmis a laie poesté ;
4810 Quel part que li venz turt, se plessent od l’oré.
963
Ne sunt pas fil Jesu, ainz sunt tuit forslignié.
N’erent uan, s’il poent, pur Deu crucifïé ;
Mult enviz perdereient ço qu’il unt enbracié.
Ne sunt pas né del ciel, n’i unt lur vis drecié :
4815 De terre sunt furmé, vers la terre enbrunchié.
964
Li evesque devreient tut le munt adrecier ;
Buen humme deivent estre, buen clerc, né de moillier.
Bon’ente en bon estoc deit bien fructifïer ;
En malvais estoc vei bon’ente mal fruchier :
4820 Qui malvais arbre aluche, malvais fruit deit mangier.
965
Diables ad les princes e les reis avoglez.
Cil qui ad malvais pere, malvais’est s’eritez ;
Cil qui ad fieble chief, sovent est flaelez ;
Quant li filz fait le pere, li ordres est muez :
4825 Li ciels est suz la terre, n’est un point estelez.
966
Quant li reis fait pastur, tel le deit esguarder
Qui il puisse sun cors e s’aneme comander.
E quant de gré le fait tel qui tost volt verser,
[149] E fait pure esmeralde en plum encastuner,
4830 N’en voil altrui que lui jugement demander.
967
Um deit a saint’iglise doner si net pastur
C’um li puisse sun chief suzmettre par honur.
Saint’iglise est espuse al soveraing Seignur ;
E s’um done a s’espuse malvais guverneür,
4835 A Deu e a s’espuse en fait um deshonur. –
968
A Wincestre est li mes l’arcevesque venuz.
Mais li uis de la chambre li fu mult defenduz ;
Car de clers e de lais fu dutez e cremuz,
Qu’il n’aportast tels briés u n’eüst pas saluz
4840 E par quei alchuns d’els ne fust dunc suspenduz.
969
Li messagiers parla mult enseignïement,
E dist qu’il n’aportout nul malveis mandement :
Li primaz aime mult e le rei e sa gent.
Tant ad fait que il out le jovene rei present.
4845 Parfunt li enclina e parla humblement :
970
« Thomas li arcevesques, fait il, de Cantorbire,
Legaz del sié de Rome, primaz de tut l’enpire,
Salue rei Henri, qui d’Engleterre est sire.
Asez l’avez par altres, Sire reis, oï dire ;
4850 Par mes lettres purquant le vus ai fait escrire,
971
E pur ço que jo voil que par mei le saciez :
Que mei e vostre pere, qui ert vers mei iriez,
Que Deus li pius nus ad par sa grace amaisiez,
En concorde e en pais e en amur lïez.
4855 Mais pluisurs en i ad qui en vei coreciez ;
972
E me volent vers vus mesler e mal tenir
E l’amur e la pais desfaire e envanir ;
Dient que jo vus voil la corune tolir.
Mais einsi m’aït Deus, qui tuit deivent servir,
4860 Si me doinst Deus la joie celestre partenir,
973
Cum jo pluisurs reaumes, od cel que vus avez,
[150] Vus voldreie aveir ja par ma char conquestez,
Si que mis sancs i fust en partie wastez,
Mais si que jo n’en fuisse de Deu achaisunez,
4865 Si m’aït a la fin la sainte Ternetez.
974
E coment vus quereie ne mal ne deshonur,
Qui jo tienc, e dei faire, pur rei e pur seignur
E de tut le reaume e eir e successur,
E qui j’aim sur tuz hummes, en fei e en amur,
4870 Senz mun seignur le rei, qui me mist en l’onur ?
975
Mais de c’est en mun quer grant amerté asise,
Que ne vus ai el chief la corune d’or mise,
Sulunc la dignité de nostre mere iglise ;
E pur ç’ai par mes lettres vostre bunté requise
4875 Que puisse a vus parler d’el, d’iceste mesprise. »
976
Bien aveit cil Richarz sun message conté.
Mais ses conseilz aveit al jovene rei loé
Qu’il n’at a l’arcevesque a cele feiz parlé ;
E danz Gefreiz Ridel li ad dit e juré
4880 Que li vielz reis l’en ad sun curage mustré :
977
Il ne volt pas qu’il deie a cel humme parler,
Qui le volt del reaume, s’il puet, deseriter,
La corune del chief e tolir e oster.
Dunc fist a l’arcevesque dous chevaliers aler ;
4885 Thomas de Turnebug en oï l’un nummer,
978
E Jocelins i est de part le rei venuz :
Tuz les recez le rei li aveit defenduz,
Viles, burcs e chastaus ; mar i sereit veüz.
Ja ert li arcevesques tresqu’a Lundres meüz.
4890 Alout parler al rei. A Suerc est descenduz.
979
« Coment, fait saint Thomas, avez me desfïé ?
– Nenal, fait Jocelins ; mais ço vus ad mandé
Li reis. Car trop avez envers lui meserré,
E leis e us volez oster de sun regné,
4895 La corune tolir al jovene coruné.
980
Vus menez par sa terre les chevaliers armez,
E clers d’estrange terre el païs amenez,
E avez ses prelaz de lur mestier sevrez.
Or volt li reis Henris que vus les asolez.
4900 De ço e d’autres choses granz torz fait li avez. »
981
Dunc respundi li ber, ne s’i volt pas plus taire :
« N’est pas dreiz, fait lur il, ne nel vi ainc retraire,
Ço que li plus halz fist plus bas peüst desfaire ;
Parkes ço que la pape fait, conferme e fait faire
4905 Nel puet plus bas de lui par dreit metre en repaire. »
982
Dunc li unt respundu a voiz li forssené :
« Se vus ne faites ço que li reis a mandé,
Il en avra tut dreit ; mult iert chier comparé. »
(Tut cest conseil aveient furni e aturné
4910 Li trei prelat qui erent de lur mestier sevré.)
983
Mult dulcement idunc lur respundi li ber :
Se l’evesque de Lundres voleit a lui aler
E cil de Salesbire, e voleient jurer
Al dreit de saint’iglise e a la pais ester,
4915 Il en voldra grant fais sur li prendre e porter ;
984
E al conseil le rei s’il se volt apuier,
E al conseil l’evesque de Wircestre, Rogier,
E as autres evesques a qui deit conseillier,
Al honur l’apostolie les voldra bel traitier
4920 E en humilité, e mult li erent chier.
985
Fait li dunc Jocelins : « Quant en ço vus tenez
Que les prelaz le rei asoldre ne volez,
Or vus defent li reis ses burcs e ses citez
E viles e chastals, que mar i enterez.
4925 Faire vostre mestier a Cantorbire alez !
986
– Quant ne puis, fait li sainz, par ma parole aler
Paroses e eglises conseillier e guarder,
Ne puis pas mun mestier faire ne celebrer. »
Par iteles paroles entendi bien li ber
4930 Qu’il deveit par martire hastivement finer.
987
Dunc comanda a Deu, qui des bons est saluz,
Les Lundreis e la cit. Puis s’en est revenuz.
Maint miracle a fait Deus la u fu descenduz,
D’avogles, de contraiz e de surz e de muz,
4935 De leprus cui revient e santez e vertuz.
988
Comandé s’est a Deu, e puis s’en returna.
Enz emmi le chemin, la u il mielz erra,
Es viles e es burcs les enfanz conferma.
Del cheval descendi la u hum les porta ;
4940 En nul liu de servir Deu grief ne li sembla.
989
Deu servi volentiers. N’i estuet alumer
Par tut la u s’estut as enfanz confermer ;
Les chapeles poum qu’i sunt faites, trover.
La fait Deus cius veer, surz oïr, muz parler,
4945 Leprus munder, les morz e revivre e aler.
Translation
954 Soon after his return from over the sea [from exile in France], he [Thomas Becket] determined he would not demure for long in his see without having gone to speak with the king of the land; so he sent before him a message by means of a monk, Richard, head of the church at Dover.
955 The Young King was found at Winchester. There assembled were the barons of the land, deans, archdeacons, parsons and abbots They were there on the counsel of the three bishops who had been severed from communion with the people [excommunicated/suspended, namely the bishops of London and Salisbury, and the archbishop of York], and Geoffrey, the married one [Geoffrey Ridel, archdeacon (archdiabolus) of Canterbury who was later appointed bishop of Ely, but who also had to renounce his marriage before he could take up his post] .
956 There were six churches [bishoprics] in the kingdom which were without a pastor [bishop]. That is why these people, namely the prince, the earls, and many barons, were assembled that day [at Winchester] to select and appoint pastors to these honours. Those whom they selected had to cross over the sea [to the king] without delay.
957 There the parsons must be both elected and given [their posts] on the counsel of the four you've heard me name before. Neither did they wanted to summon the archbishop, nor the several bishops of whom I have no wish to hide, those whom they knew were loyal [to Becket].
958 They did not want to have amongst them the Bishop of Winchester, nor Master Bartholomew of Exeter, nor the gentle and good Roger of Worcester, neither the bishop of Ely, who did not wish to be there. No one ought to extend his right hand to such a consecration.
959 Nowhere can bishops be ordained in thus manner. It is necessary to assemble as many of bishops as possible. If necessary, three bishops can confer the consecration, but the bishop cannot be elevated to his office without the consent of the primate [metropolitan]. Thus stateth the Canonical decree.
960 And if a bishop is to be ordained in the land, it is necessary to summon all the bishops of the kingdom; those who cannot attend this assembly may send messengers with letters. Thus may it be known whether they approve of the consecration.
961 If a bishop or priest has been chosen and raised to his diocese by a prince, he is to be degraded. Anyone who has exercised secular authority and has purchased his divine office let him be wholly deposed and denied communion with the faithful.
962 I cannot see, neither cleric nor lay person, holding to the law of this decree, those who have been thus ordained, for they fear they may lose their offices. In thus manner they submit completely to the secular power, They bend before the wind wherever it comes from hoping for fairer weather.
963 They are not sons of Jesus: they are all degenerate. This year they will not let themselves be crucified for God! They are utterly loathed to lose what they have embraced. They are not born of heaven; their gaze is not in that direction. They are baked from earth and it is towards earth they bow.
964 A bishop should put the world on the straight path: he must be a good men and good cleric, born of a woman in wedlock. A good cutting grafted onto the right rootstock will bear good fruit; and I see that a good cutting grafted onto poor rootstock will bear bad fruit: Cultivate a bad tree, bad will be the quality of its fruit [as ye sow, so shall ye reap].
965 Devils blind princes and kings! Whosoever has had a bad father poor is his heritage. He who has a weak chief will often be scourged. When the son does this to the father, order is overturned. The heavens are under the ground and the stars are no longer visible.
966 When the king appoints a pastor [bishop] , he ought to see to it to find one who can command his body and soul. And depending on the extent to he does this he decides to reverse this then it is as if pure emerald were to be set in lead: no one else can judge him but himself for this act.
967 One must give to Holy Church such a pastor whom we can submit to with honour. Holy Church is the wife of the sovereign Master; if He has taken a bride who is a bad steward, God is dishonoured by such a marriage.
968 The archbishop's messenger of Thomas thus came to Winchester, but found that the chamber was heavily guarded and barred against him. That was because both the clergy and laity feared that he was bearing letters which were not salutations but contained suspensions for some of them.
969 The messenger strongly pointed out saying that he brought no such malevolent mandate: but that the primate much loved the King and his people. Thus he gained access into the Young King's presence, where he bowed to him, and speaking humbly, he said:
970 "Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, legate of the Holy See of Rome and primate of the whole empire, greets King Henry, who is lord of England. Sire, you have heard enough said by others, wherefore that is why yet I am writing this letter to you.
971 "So that you may learn from me too, when your father was angry against me, that the good God has, by His grace, made peace between us and bound us in concord, harmony and love. But many have been infuriated by this.
972 And want me to quarrel with you, and have a evil intent, and want to undo and make disappear the love and peace: they say that I want to take away the crown from you! But not so! so help me God, whom we must serve, God who may grant me to be blessed with heavenly joy
973 How many kingdoms I would like you to have besides those which you already have, I would have conquered them for you with my own flesh, and spill a part of my blood, but not if I become accused before God, so may the Holy Trinity help me at the end.
974 So how is it that I seek to do you harm or to dishonour you, whom I behold as and must do [for you] as king and lord, heir and successor to the kingdom, whom I love above all men in faith and with affection except my lord the king, who placed me in this [position of] honour?
975 "However, [I must tell you of] of how much bitterness there is in my heart for not having placed the crown of gold upon your head, according to the privilege of our mother church.Therefore, by my letter, I beg your bounty to let me speak to you about this and other matters."
976 Well did Richard deliver this message. But his advisers counselled the young king not to speak at this time to the archbishop .And master Geoffrey Ridel said to him and swore that the old king had spoken from the heart to him about this:
977 That he did not want his son to talk to this man, who, if he could, would deprive him of the inheritance of his kingdom, and who would take away and remove the crown from his head. The young king then sent to the archbishop two knights: one among that number was Thomas de Tournebu.
[I am of the opinion that the King did not have any right to deny access into the presence of the King in Council by the archbishop of Canterbury, as the archbishop was legally a baron and in order of precedence, the second person in the kingdom. On this occasion when the Young King was discussing who would be candidates to fill the vacant bishops' sees, the archbishop should have been present.]
978 And Joscelin came to him on behalf of the king. He forbade the Archbishop to enter any of the King's refuges: vills, boroughs and castles -woe unto him if he is seen in any of them! The archbishop had already reached London in order to speak to the king; he had alighted at Southwark.
[The two knights were Joscelin of Leuven, younger brother of Adeliza, Queen of Henry I, together with a knight called Thomas of Turnebuke]
979 "What!" said St. Thomas, "do you defy me?" - "Not at all," said Jocelin, "but you are ordered to do this by the King, because you have acted very badly towards him: you want to overthrow the laws and customs of his kingdom, and take away the crown from the Young King,
980 "You pass through his country with armed knights, you bring with you clerics from foreign lands and countries, and you have cut off prelates from their ministries. Henry now wants you to absolve them because in this as in other matters, you did greatly insult him."
[The knights are almost accusing Becket of lèse-majesté.]
981 Then the valiant one could no longer remain silent, and answered, "that is not right," he said to him " I have never seen it before laid down that what has been done by a person of higher rank may be undone by one of lesser rank; because that which has been actually done, and fully confirmed by Pope may not be legitimately undone by one of lesser authority."
982 These madmen replied in one voice.: "If you do not submit to that which the King has commanded, he will exert his right, and you will punished for it dearly!" All this advice had been provided and drawn up by the three prelates who had been cut off from their ministries.
983 Then the noble one replied calmly to them saying that if the bishop of London and of Salisbury wished to come to him and swear to hold to the law of Holy Church and keep the peace, he was ready and willing to take up and bear the heavy responsibility of doing this,
984 And of the King's council, if he was willing, and with the advice of Roger of Worcester and the other bishops whom he had to consult, he would negotiate with humility [on their behalf] with the Apostolic honour [his holiness the Pope], and they would be very dear to him.
985 Joscelin then said, "since you persist in not wanting to absolve the King's prelates, the King has prohibited you access to his boroughs and cities, vills, and castles: woe unto you if you enter them! Go perform your ministry at Canterbury!
986 "How can I advise and monitor the churches and parishes, " said the saint, "if I cannot travel around to my flock? I cannot honourably perform my ministry." Having listened to such words the good man well understood that he must hastily come to his end as a martyr.
987 Bidding à Dieu, which is salvation to the righteous, he then turned back toward London and the City, where he made a halt, Many a miracle was performed by God at the place where he alighted, for the blind, cripples, the deaf, mute and lepers, who received both health and strength.
988 Bidding à Dieu to God he made his return. He set out along the road, thus the best one made his way. He confirmed children in the vills and boroughs, dismounting from his horse wherever they were brought to him. In no way did it seem painful to him to serve God:
989 Thus God was served willingly. There is no need to highlight all the places where he stopped to confirm children: you just have to find the chapels that have been built there. There God gives sight to the blind, hearing to the deaf, makes the dumb to speak, and the lepers are cleansed; the dead are revived to walk again.
990 Thus St. Thomas returned to his see, where he remained in his archbishopric for the rest of his life. Whenever he saw the poor, he took pity, working to serve God night and day. Well he knew he faced martyrdom. He had foretold this.
References
Constitutions of Clarendon: Mission of Richard, prior of Dover to the Young King, Dec 1170
Saturday, 27 October 2018
The Broad Sweep of History
At the huge risk of generalisation, anachronism and non sequiturs here is a broad sweep of some of the historical events near and far, circumstances and persons leading to the Constitutions of Clarendon :-
Louis the Pious and Charles the Bald troubles with the bishops of the Frankish Empire
Carolingian Renaissance - Wikipedia
Carolingian Renaissance - Wikipedia
With the reforms inaugurated by Charlemagne, bishops in the Carolingian empire enjoyed a steady growth in their influence. As the political stability of the Frankish empire deteriorated after 830 the episcopate found itself subjected to new and unfamiliar pressures. A coup against Louis the Pious in that year prompted later in 1835, the deposition of several prominent clerics, including the emperor’s very own milk-brother, Archbishop Ebbo of Reims, at the Synod of Thionville.
Charles the Bald - Wikipedia
Charles the Bald - Wikipedia
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Pseudo-Isidore and the False Decretals
Pseudo-Isidore - An edition-in-progress of the False Decretals
Introduction to Pseudo-Isidore
The False Decretals
U. B.
The Catholic Historical Review
Vol. 9, No. 4 (Jan., 1924), pp. 566-569
Published by: Catholic University of America Press
https://www.jstor.org/stable/25012012
Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals - Wikipedia
Pseudo-Isidore - An edition-in-progress of the False Decretals
Introduction to Pseudo-Isidore
The False Decretals
U. B.
The Catholic Historical Review
Vol. 9, No. 4 (Jan., 1924), pp. 566-569
Published by: Catholic University of America Press
https://www.jstor.org/stable/25012012
Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals - Wikipedia
The Pseuso-Isidorian forgeries sought to subordinate the Frankish church to a legal oversight by the Roman papacy. Pseudo-Isidore’s view was of a Rome-centered Christendom under the Pope. This was an ideological conviction that "he" shared with some of his contemporaries. Rome physically was at the margins of Carolingian political power. It functioned within the forgeries as a distant venue where appeals could be held. By expanding the legal jurisdiction of the Pope and his Court [the Papal Curia], Pseudo-Isidore hoped to withdraw accused bishops and their trials from the influence of the Carolingian rulers and the provincial synods and bring them to Rome to be judged by the Pope. Additionally, Pseudo-Isidore sought to establish a near absolute authority and autonomy of bishops within their own dioceses, and to protect the property of their churches from the depredations of the lay nobility.
The principal purpose of the forgers of the Pseudo-Isidorean Decretals was to protect the rights of clerics, clerical property, and bishops from lay control and judicial authority.
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Codification of the Laws of the Faith in the Western Roman Catholic Church
Decretum Gratiani
Constitutions of Clarendon: Canon Law and The Canonical System
Ivo of Chartres - Wikipedia
Constitutions of Clarendon: Decretum Gratiani
Many of Pseudo-Isidore's decretals found their way into the set of laws governing the Roman Catholic Church.
Donation of Constantine
Constitutions of Clarendon: Canon Law and The Canonical System
Ivo of Chartres - Wikipedia
Constitutions of Clarendon: Decretum Gratiani
Many of Pseudo-Isidore's decretals found their way into the set of laws governing the Roman Catholic Church.
Donation of Constantine
Constitutions of Clarendon: Donation of Constantine
The Donation of Constantine, although a forgery, confirmed the successors of St. Peter, the Popes the bishops of Rome, as the Supreme Primate of the Roman Catholic Church.
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The Donation of Constantine, although a forgery, confirmed the successors of St. Peter, the Popes the bishops of Rome, as the Supreme Primate of the Roman Catholic Church.
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Pope Gregory VII and Papal Supremacy
Pope Gregory VII - Wikipedia
Constitutions of Clarendon: On the origins of the Doctrine of Papal Supremacy
Constitutions of Clarendon: Canonical Decretals which empower the Pope
Constitutions of Clarendon: Dictatus Papae, A.D. 1075
Constitutions of Clarendon: Papal Authority
Constitutions of Clarendon: Libertas Ecclesiae
Pope Gregory VII was the champion of Papal Supremacy. He espoused the monastic tradition within the Church and favoured its cause. He wanted to reform and renew the Church, to return it to the state which it had had at the time of the Golden Age of the Fathers of the Church. He wanted to stamp out the heretical sin of Simony, the purchase of ecclesiastical office for money, and to put an end to marriage by clerics, which he deemed sinful. He wanted the whole of the Church to submit to his spiritual authority. This found itself expressed as Libertas Ecclesiae from the temporal control of the secular authorities, like kings and emperors in the countries of Western Europe. But above all he wanted a hierocracy, with the Church and himself at its pinnacle.
1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gregory (Popes)/Gregory VII - Wikisource
...
The whole life-work of Gregory VII. was based on his conviction that the church has been founded by God and entrusted with the task of embracing all mankind in a single society in which His will is the only law; that, in her capacity as a divine institution, she out tops all human structures; and that the pope, qua head of the church, is the vice-regent of God on earth, so that disobedience to him implies disobedience to God—or, in other words, a defection from Christianity. Elaborating an idea discoverable in St Augustine, he looked on the worldly state—a purely human creation—as an unhallowed edifice whose character is sufficiently manifest from the fact that it abolishes the equality of man, and that it is built up by violence and injustice.
...
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Pope Gregory VII - Wikipedia
Constitutions of Clarendon: On the origins of the Doctrine of Papal Supremacy
Constitutions of Clarendon: Canonical Decretals which empower the Pope
Constitutions of Clarendon: Dictatus Papae, A.D. 1075
Constitutions of Clarendon: Papal Authority
Constitutions of Clarendon: Libertas Ecclesiae
Pope Gregory VII was the champion of Papal Supremacy. He espoused the monastic tradition within the Church and favoured its cause. He wanted to reform and renew the Church, to return it to the state which it had had at the time of the Golden Age of the Fathers of the Church. He wanted to stamp out the heretical sin of Simony, the purchase of ecclesiastical office for money, and to put an end to marriage by clerics, which he deemed sinful. He wanted the whole of the Church to submit to his spiritual authority. This found itself expressed as Libertas Ecclesiae from the temporal control of the secular authorities, like kings and emperors in the countries of Western Europe. But above all he wanted a hierocracy, with the Church and himself at its pinnacle.
Robinson, I. (2004). Reform and the Church, 1073–1122. In D. Luscombe & J. Riley-Smith (Eds.), The New Cambridge Medieval History (The New Cambridge Medieval History, pp. 268-334). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521414104.010
The Papacy and Canon Law in the Eleventh-Century Reform
Uta-Renate Blumenthal
The Catholic Historical Review
Vol. 84, No. 2 (Apr., 1998), pp. 201-218
Published by: Catholic University of America Press
https://www.jstor.org/stable/25025208
Oswald Joseph Reichel (1870). The See of Rome in the Middle Ages. Chapter XII Investitures and Jurisdiction - Clerical Taxation: Longmans, Green. pp. 347–.
Margaret Deanesly (2004). A History of the Medieval Church: 590-1500. Chapter VI Growth of Papal Power 604 to 1073: Routledge. pp. 76–. ISBN 978-1-134-95533-6.
Christopher Harper-Bill; Elisabeth Van Houts (2007). A Companion to the Anglo-Norman World. Chapter 9: The Anglo-Norman Church: Boydell & Brewer Ltd. pp. 165–. ISBN 978-1-84383-341-3.
Thomas N. Bisson (2009). The Crisis of the Twelfth Century: Power, Lordship, and the Origins of European Government. The Church: Princeton University Press. pp. 197–. ISBN 0-691-13708-0. https://goo.gl/sog34H
Uta-Renate Blumenthal
The Catholic Historical Review
Vol. 84, No. 2 (Apr., 1998), pp. 201-218
Published by: Catholic University of America Press
https://www.jstor.org/stable/25025208
Oswald Joseph Reichel (1870). The See of Rome in the Middle Ages. Chapter XII Investitures and Jurisdiction - Clerical Taxation: Longmans, Green. pp. 347–.
Margaret Deanesly (2004). A History of the Medieval Church: 590-1500. Chapter VI Growth of Papal Power 604 to 1073: Routledge. pp. 76–. ISBN 978-1-134-95533-6.
Christopher Harper-Bill; Elisabeth Van Houts (2007). A Companion to the Anglo-Norman World. Chapter 9: The Anglo-Norman Church: Boydell & Brewer Ltd. pp. 165–. ISBN 978-1-84383-341-3.
Thomas N. Bisson (2009). The Crisis of the Twelfth Century: Power, Lordship, and the Origins of European Government. The Church: Princeton University Press. pp. 197–. ISBN 0-691-13708-0. https://goo.gl/sog34H
1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gregory (Popes)/Gregory VII - Wikisource
...
The whole life-work of Gregory VII. was based on his conviction that the church has been founded by God and entrusted with the task of embracing all mankind in a single society in which His will is the only law; that, in her capacity as a divine institution, she out tops all human structures; and that the pope, qua head of the church, is the vice-regent of God on earth, so that disobedience to him implies disobedience to God—or, in other words, a defection from Christianity. Elaborating an idea discoverable in St Augustine, he looked on the worldly state—a purely human creation—as an unhallowed edifice whose character is sufficiently manifest from the fact that it abolishes the equality of man, and that it is built up by violence and injustice.
...
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Lanfranc, William the Conqueror, Ecclesiastical Courts
In England Libertas Ecclesiae found expression in the setting up of Ecclesiastical Courts separate from the king's justice.
Constitutions of Clarendon: Ecclesiastical Courts
David Charles Douglas; George William Greenaway (1996). English Historical Documents, 1042-1189. Psychology Press. pp. 715–. ISBN 978-0-415-14367-7.
The historian Eadmer described the moral and the material reforms accomplished by Archbishop Lanfranc of Canterbury. The archbishop strove ‘to renew religion and morality among all orders of men throughout the kingdom; nor was he disappointed of his desire. For through his persuasion and teaching religion was increased throughout that country and everywhere new monastic buildings were constructed, as appears today.’
Lanfranc (DNB00) - Wikisource
Lanfranc - Wikipedia
Lanfranc as archbishop of Canterbury, tried to establish his overall authority and Primacy over the Church in England
Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/William the Conqueror - Wikisource
Richard Burn (1763). Ecclesiastical Law. Courts: H. Woodfall and W. Strahan, and sold by A. Millar. pp. 409–.
The constitutional history and constitution of the Church of England
In England Libertas Ecclesiae found expression in the setting up of Ecclesiastical Courts separate from the king's justice.
Constitutions of Clarendon: Ecclesiastical Courts
David Charles Douglas; George William Greenaway (1996). English Historical Documents, 1042-1189. Psychology Press. pp. 715–. ISBN 978-0-415-14367-7.
The historian Eadmer described the moral and the material reforms accomplished by Archbishop Lanfranc of Canterbury. The archbishop strove ‘to renew religion and morality among all orders of men throughout the kingdom; nor was he disappointed of his desire. For through his persuasion and teaching religion was increased throughout that country and everywhere new monastic buildings were constructed, as appears today.’
Lanfranc (DNB00) - Wikisource
Lanfranc - Wikipedia
Lanfranc as archbishop of Canterbury, tried to establish his overall authority and Primacy over the Church in England
Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/William the Conqueror - Wikisource
Richard Burn (1763). Ecclesiastical Law. Courts: H. Woodfall and W. Strahan, and sold by A. Millar. pp. 409–.
The constitutional history and constitution of the Church of England
The History of England. James, John and Paul Knapton. 1732. pp. 212–.
W. L. Warren (28 November 1977). Henry II. Chapter 11: Church and State in Norman England: University of California Press. pp. 404–5 ISBN 978-0-520-03494-5.
...
In exercising the functions of their office ; the bishops were subject to a web of customary restrictions, of which the near-contemporary Eadmer selects two as typical: a council of bishop could not 'lay down any ordinance or prohibition unless these were agreeable to the king's wishes and had first been approved by him', nor could any bishop, except with the king's permission, 'take action against or excommunicate one of his barons or officials for incest or adultery or any other cardinal offence or even when guilt was notorious lay upon h im any penalty of ecclesiastical discipline
...
Some of the customary restrictions which William imposed on the clergy helped to ensure that the papacy was kept at arm's length: if prelates were summoned to attend the papal court or general councils they could not obey without his licence; he would not allow anyone to receive a letter from the pope unless it had first been shown to him; he would not allow papal legates to visit his dominions without his permission; even the recognition of a newly-elected bishop of Rome had to await the king's approval.
...
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W. L. Warren (28 November 1977). Henry II. Chapter 11: Church and State in Norman England: University of California Press. pp. 404–5 ISBN 978-0-520-03494-5.
...
In exercising the functions of their office ; the bishops were subject to a web of customary restrictions, of which the near-contemporary Eadmer selects two as typical: a council of bishop could not 'lay down any ordinance or prohibition unless these were agreeable to the king's wishes and had first been approved by him', nor could any bishop, except with the king's permission, 'take action against or excommunicate one of his barons or officials for incest or adultery or any other cardinal offence or even when guilt was notorious lay upon h im any penalty of ecclesiastical discipline
...
Some of the customary restrictions which William imposed on the clergy helped to ensure that the papacy was kept at arm's length: if prelates were summoned to attend the papal court or general councils they could not obey without his licence; he would not allow anyone to receive a letter from the pope unless it had first been shown to him; he would not allow papal legates to visit his dominions without his permission; even the recognition of a newly-elected bishop of Rome had to await the king's approval.
...
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St. Anselm and the troubles with William Rufus and Henry I of England
Investiture Controversy
Anselm (later St Anselm) was Lanfranc's successor
Anselm of Canterbury - Wikipedia
On the Continent and in England too there raged the Investiture Controversy
Council of London in 1102 - Wikipedia
Constitutions of Clarendon: Conflict of Investitures
Eugene Rathbone Fairweather (1 January 1956). A Scholastic Miscellany: Anselm to Ockham (Eadmer Settlement of the Controversy ed.). Westminster John Knox Press. pp. 211–. ISBN 978-0-664-24418-7.
Concordat of Worms - Wikipedia
Anselm (later St Anselm) was Lanfranc's successor
Anselm of Canterbury - Wikipedia
On the Continent and in England too there raged the Investiture Controversy
Council of London in 1102 - Wikipedia
Constitutions of Clarendon: Conflict of Investitures
Eugene Rathbone Fairweather (1 January 1956). A Scholastic Miscellany: Anselm to Ockham (Eadmer Settlement of the Controversy ed.). Westminster John Knox Press. pp. 211–. ISBN 978-0-664-24418-7.
Concordat of Worms - Wikipedia
The King was recognised as having the right to invest bishops with secular authority ("by the lance") in the territories they governed, but not with sacred authority ("by ring and staff"). The result was that bishops owed allegiance in worldly matters both to the pope and to the king, for they were obliged to affirm the right of the sovereign to call upon them for military support, under his oath of fealty.
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Thomas Becket Controversy, Henry II, Constitutions of Clarendon, Liberty of the Church
This Blog
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King John and Magna Carta
References
Ott, M. (1909). Ebbo. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Retrieved October 27, 2018 from New Advent: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/05241a.htm
Introduction to Pseudo-Isidore - Decretum GratianiJames A Brundage (11 June 2014). Medieval Canon Law. Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals: Routledge. pp. 26–. ISBN 978-1-317-89534-3.
Anselm of Canterbury - Wikipedia
Brooke, Z. (1989). St Anselm. The rise of a papal party. In The English Church and the Papacy:From the Conquest to the Reign of John (pp. 147-163). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Brooke, Z. (1989). St Anselm. The rise of a papal party. In The English Church and the Papacy:From the Conquest to the Reign of John (pp. 147-163). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Church, Kingship, and Lay Investiture in England, 1089-1135 on JSTOR
Walter Ullmann (15 April 2013). The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages (Routledge Library Editions: Political Science Volume 35). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-02630-1.
Wilfred Lewis Warren (1973). Henry II. Chapter 13: Archbishop Thomas Becket: University of California Press. pp. 447–517. ISBN 978-0-520-02282-9.
Tuesday, 23 October 2018
Letter Queen Alice of France to Pope Alexander III, 1168
Letter Queen Alice , Consort of Louis VII King of France, to Pope Alexander III, 1168
From
Albert L'Huillier (1892). Saint Thomas de Cantorbéry. Volume 2. V. Palmé. pp. 116–.
https://archive.org/details/saintthomasdecan02lhui/page/116
Translated from the French
Extract from
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Oxford,_John_of_(DNB00)
Protests reached Rome from every quarter against this change in the papal attitude; but the dean of Salisbury returned in triumph, boasting everywhere of his success (Materials, vi. 246 et passim). 'Gravissimum in ecclesia Gallicana scandalum fecit Johannes de Oxeneford qui suo perjurio de Romana tam facile triumphavit,' wrote Alice, queen of Louis VII, to the pope (ib. p. 468). In England he was still more vigorous in action. In January 1167 he had an interview with the king in Guienne, and was sent into England. Landing at Southampton, he found the Bishop of Hereford waiting to cross over to Becket. 'On finding him he forbade him to proceed, first in the name of the king, and then of the pope. The bishop then inquired .. . whether he had any letters to that purpose. He asserted that he had, and that the pope forbade him and the other bishops as well either to attend [Becket's] summons or obey [him] in any particular until the arrival of a legate de latere domini papie. . . . The bishop insisted on seeing the letters; but he said that he had sent them on with his baggage to Winchester. . . . When the Bishop of London saw the letters, he cried aloud as if unable to restrain himself, “Then Thomas shall no more be my archbishop”' (ib. vi. 151-2).
Notes
At least one of the members of the Papal Curia in Rome was corrupt and venal. Henry had obtained by means of gold a papal bull which suspended the powers of the archbishop of Canterbury from issuing interdicts and excommunicating the king himself. The bull was, in fact, authentic. But under what circumstances hadit been written and how had it got into circulation? In reality Pope Alexander III had entrusted it to the members of an earlier papal commission who had been directed to keep it secret, and only to deliver it after they had established a definite change in the conduct of the king, and if by its publication it could establish a climate of peace.
Letter of John of Salisbury to Master Lombard of Piacenza, Summer 1168
Extract from
Peters, Mary Josephine, "Historical Background and Translation of Letters 245-291 of John of Salisbury" (1943). Master's Theses. Paper 318 p.41-. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/318/
John narrates the happenings at the conference of the French and English Kings at La Ferté-Bernard on July 1-2, 1168, and the subsequent boasts of King Henry. He also relates the opinions of the French on the scandalous machinations of the Cardinals John of Naples and John of Sutri. ... He [King Henry ii] even boasted of having such friends in the court [Papal Curia] who would void all efforts of tbe Archbishop of Canterbury. They are so zealous in promoting his business, that not a single petition could be submitted or anything asked which is hot sent to him by his friends~ We know the names of those whose advice he follows and what they recently demanded in the court, that the cause of God and the poor of Christ are sold out at a cheap price; and there was no reckoning in the exchange of them. Would that those ounces of gold never existed, by which those were led to fa11l8 who should have been pillars of the Church! The King was so elated over his triumph that no secret was made in his own home who the Cardinals were that did not receive any of that obnoxious and base gold, or who they were that saw how it was doled out, to some more, to others less in proportion as they merited more or less in their subversion of justice.
A fact that did not escape the notice of the King of the French was that the messenger of Bishop John of Naples went over from his camp to the King of England and certain persecutors of the Church, while we were at Montmirail. When the religious who are on the side of the King of Bngland heard the above-mentioned letter, they grieved very much and called down curses upon John of Naples and lohn of SS. John and Pau1 who were said to have fooled the Lord Pope. Master Geoffrey of Poitiers, a priest of Lord William Cardinal, did not consent with the plan and acts of the King's messengers, since he is looking for the kingdom of God. He openly protested that they were condemned by an anathema, b~cause they had sworn that the command ot the Lord Pope would be kept secret, and because the Lord Pope had.en~oined upon them by virtue ot obedience and under an anathema that it be kept secret. To make us despicable Betore all and to remove the comfort ot friends, who almost despair ot our peace, they together with their King praise the victories of their own malice and glory over the distress ot the Church. Would that the ears ot the Cardinals were at the mouths ot the French to whom the proverb ot this phrase might opportunely be applied: "The princes ot the Church are faithless; they are companions ot thieves." For they permit and give power to persecutors ot the Church to strike, to rob, and pillage the patrimony ot the Crucified, to share in damnable gain. Would that you, too, listened to the most Christian King who I fear cannot be recalled any more without bringing about the marriage between their children at the request ot the Emperor [Barbarosa] ...
References
Gilbertus Episcopus Londoniensis Foliot (1845). Epistolae (etc.): 23-24 Epistola DIX. Parker. pp. 312–.
James Craigie Robertson (15 November 2012).
Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury (Canonized by Pope Alexander III, AD 1173). Volume 6. Cambridge University Press ISBN 978-1-108-04930-6.
-- MTB 440 https://archive.org/details/materialsforhist06robe/page/468
-- MTB 331 https://archive.org/details/materialsforhist06robe/page/245
Saint Thomas Becket; Anne Duggan tr and ed (2000). The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162-1170: Letters 1-175. Volume 1. Letter CTB 150 Thomas Becket to Pope Alexander III, ca 11 Dec 1167: Clarendon Press. pp. 694–. ISBN 978-0-19-820892-1.
Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. Chapter X John of Oxford's Proceedings at the Court of Rome: publisher not identified. pp. 233–.
Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. Chapter XI Arrival of the Legates: publisher not identified. pp. 254–.
Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. Chapter XIV Suspension of the Archbishop: publisher not identified. pp. 333–.
Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. Chapter XV Conferences at Montmirail: publisher not identified. pp. 365–.
John Morris; Saint Thomas (à Becket) (1859). The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, Etc. Chapter XXIV The Cardinal Legates. pp. 214–.
John Morris; Saint Thomas (à Becket) (1859). The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, Etc. Chapter XXV Meanwhile. pp. 227–.
Elizabeth Missing Sewell (1876). Popular History of France: Fr. the Earliest Period to the Death of Louis XIV. Longmans, Green, and Company. pp. 92–.
Michael Staunton (7 December 2001). The Lives of Thomas Becket. 37. Conference at Montmirail 6th January 1169: Manchester University Press. pp. 154–. ISBN 978-0-7190-5455-6.
Michael Staunton (7 December 2001). The Lives of Thomas Becket. 36. Conference between Gisors and Trie 18 November 1167: Manchester University Press. pp. 150–. ISBN 978-0-7190-5455-6.
John Thomas Noonan (1987). Bribes. Bribing the Cardinals: University of California Press. pp. 168–. ISBN 978-0-520-06154-5.
Thursday, 4 October 2018
Garnier - Attempts at Reconciliation
Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
Stanzas 797-814
Lines 3981-4070
797
Mais li honurez reis de France, Loëwis,
Endementieres s’est durement entremis
Que il fesist le rei e saint Thomas amis.
L’apostolies i ad sovent ses briefs tramis
3985 As concilies qu’il unt de l’acorde entre els pris.
798
Un parlement dut estre a Punteise asemblez.
Tresqu’a Paris en est l’apostolies alez ;
L’arcevesques i fu, pur qui fu purparlez.
Mais quant li reis Henris en fu bien acertez
3990 Que la pape i sereit, ariere est returnez.
799
En Nujem le Rotrout out un parlement pris
Entre le rei Henri e le rei Loëwis ;
Pur sa besuigne faire l’out pris li reis Henris.
L’arcevesque i mena li reis de Saint Denis,
3995 Qu’il feïst, s’il peüst, lui e le rei amis.
800
Mais li reis d’Engleterre n’out suing de l’acorder ;
Preia le rei de France qu’il l’en laissast ester
De Thomas l’arcevesque, qu’il n’en volsist parler,
E il li frea tut quanqu’il volt demander.
4000 « E jel larrai tresbien, fait Loëwis li ber.
801
Jo ne sui pas de lui ne des suens anuiez,
E de lui retenir sui je tut aaisiez ;
Car de sun grant sens est mis regnes enhauciez,
Li vostres suffreitus e forment enpeiriez :
4005 Greignur mestier que jo certes en avrïez. »
802
Quant vint a l’arcevesque li gentilz reis de France,
Fait il : « De vostre acorde n’avrai ja mes fiance ;
Mais ainceis en oi jo tut adès esperance.
Car al rei d’Engleterre truis jo si grant bobance
4010 Qu’il ne m’en volt oïr, n’en conseil n’en oiance.
803
Alcune feiz vus ai e preié e requis
Que vus remansissiez el regne saint Denis ;
Or vus abandoins jo mun regne e mun païs,
Estampes e Orliens e Chartres e Paris ;
4015 Del mien e de mes rentes ert vostre estuveir pris. »
804
A Muntmirail unt puis un parlement eü.
Dui chardenal de Rume i sunt al rei venu :
Vuillames de Pavie e dan Johans i fu
De Naples, qui al rei se sunt del tut tenu,
4020 E l’arcevesque eüssent volentiers deceü.
805
Li reis lur dist que tant se volt humilïer
Qu’il frea l’arcevesque quanqu’il voldrunt jugier,
E quanque saint’iglise en voldra otrïer,
Se c’est que l’arcevesques s’i volsist apuier.
4025 « Si fera, funt li il ; ço ne puet il laissier. »
806
La nuit que l’endemain dut estre l’asemblee,
Jut saint Thomas a Chartres od gent qu’il ot menee.
Un’itel visiun li aveit Deus mustree
Qu’il sout certainement, sil dist sa gent privee,
4030 A quel chief la parole sereit le jur finee.
807
Vis li fu qu’en un liu il e li reis esteit.
Un mult bel hanap d’or, u doré, li offreit
Li reis, tut plain de vin, e beivre li roveit.
Il esguardout le vin : si truble le veeit
4035 Que beivre ne l’osout ne prendre nel voleit.
808
Quant il ot esguardé le hanap tut entur
E vit le vin si truble qu’il en out grant hisdur,
Dous iraignes vit surdre des funz d’une tenur ;
Sur l’un ur s’asist l’une, e l’altre sur l’autre ur.
4040 « Ostez, fait il ; ne voil beivre ceste puur. »
809
Al matin ses privez e ses clers apela ;
Cel sunge que la nuit out sungié lur cunta.
« Bien sai, fait il, coment cest parlement prendra.
Mult beaus offres, fait il, li reis nus offerra,
4045 Mais jo nes prendrai pas ; car grant engin i a.
810
Li beaus hanas dorez qu’il me voleit puirier,
Ço erent li bel offre que ne voldrai baillier,
Li trubles vins, engins qu’il volt apareillier ;
E les dous granz iraignes sunt li dui paltenier
4050 Cardenal, qui nus volent, s’il poent, enginnier. »
811
Quant il vint al concilie, les cardenals trova.
Li reis dit qu’en ces dous volentiers se metra,
E quanqu’il jugerunt volentiers ensiwra,
E quanque saint’iglise esguarder en voldra.
4055 Il vit bien les engins e tresbien se guarda.
812
En ces laz le voleient li cardenal buter :
Dient que lur esguard ne pet il refuser,
Ne ço que saint’iglise en voldra esguarder.
E dit qu’a saint’iglise ne volt il contrester,
4060 Ne al rei ne volt il fors raisun demander ;
813
Mais il ne volt, ço dit, n’en plait n’en cause entrer,
Tresque li reis li ait fait del tut restorer,
E a lui e as suens, e rendre e renformer
Lur chose, ensi cum il la laissierent ester
4065 A l’ure qu’il les fist d’Engleterre turner.
814
Car dessaisiz ne volt pur nule rien plaidier.
Ço ne voleit li reis en nul sens otrïer,
Mais a ces dous voleit qu’il se laissast jugier.
Mais il ne se volt pas a lur diz apuier.
4070 Ensi s’en departi ; n’i pout plus espleitier.
Translation
797
Meanwhile the highly respected [most Christian] king of France, Louis [le Jeune, VII] during this time applied himself in particular to trying to establish amicable relations between the king [of England] and St. Thomas. The Pope often sent letters [of encouragement] to the meetings [in the hope] that they would reach an accord between them. 3985
Meanwhile the highly respected [most Christian] king of France, Louis [le Jeune, VII] during this time applied himself in particular to trying to establish amicable relations between the king [of England] and St. Thomas. The Pope often sent letters [of encouragement] to the meetings [in the hope] that they would reach an accord between them. 3985
798
A council was convoked to meet at Pontoise. The Pope therefore came as far as Paris because of it; archbishop [Thomas] went there, in order to consult with him. But when king Henry was reliably informed that he [Becket] would be there, he about turned and went back. 3990
A council was convoked to meet at Pontoise. The Pope therefore came as far as Paris because of it; archbishop [Thomas] went there, in order to consult with him. But when king Henry was reliably informed that he [Becket] would be there, he about turned and went back. 3990
799
In Nogent-le-Rotrou a[nother] conference was held between king Henry and king Louis; King Henry had accepted [to come to] this in principle in order to further his business. The king [of France] brought the archbishop with him there from Saint Denis in order to try to make them friends if he could. 3995
800
But the king of England cared not to come to an accord [with Thomas]; and begged the king of France that he would leave off discussing about archbishop Thomas, for he did not want to. And that he would yield to him everything whatsoever he might want to ask for
<< And I [also] would very much like to leave that issue be.>> Said the virtuous king Louis. 4000
801
>>I am not worried for either him or his people, and I would be completely happy to retain [his services] as his great sense [of morality] enhances the reputation of my kingdom. That of yours is bereft and sorely impaired [by his absence] and is in very much greter need of his skills. It is certain that you have more need of him than I do.>>
802
Afterwards the noble king of France went to the archbishop. He [the king of France] said [to him]: <<I would never swear [I could obtain] your reconciliation [with the king of England] but rather I always had [great] hope for it, but in the king of England I have discovered so great a vanity that he doesn't want to listen to me about it, neither in a private council, nor at an open hearing.>>
803
Many times I have both urged and demanded that you should remain in the kingdom of Saint Denis; now I place at your disposal my kingdom and my country: Étampes and Orleans, Chartres and Paris, your needs will be met from my treasury and out of my income. 4015
804
At Montmirail a conference was held. Two cardinals came from Rome to king Henry: they were William of Pavia and His Eminence John of Naples, who sided with the king in everything and who were willing to deceive the archbishop. 4020
In Nogent-le-Rotrou a[nother] conference was held between king Henry and king Louis; King Henry had accepted [to come to] this in principle in order to further his business. The king [of France] brought the archbishop with him there from Saint Denis in order to try to make them friends if he could. 3995
800
But the king of England cared not to come to an accord [with Thomas]; and begged the king of France that he would leave off discussing about archbishop Thomas, for he did not want to. And that he would yield to him everything whatsoever he might want to ask for
<< And I [also] would very much like to leave that issue be.>> Said the virtuous king Louis. 4000
801
>>I am not worried for either him or his people, and I would be completely happy to retain [his services] as his great sense [of morality] enhances the reputation of my kingdom. That of yours is bereft and sorely impaired [by his absence] and is in very much greter need of his skills. It is certain that you have more need of him than I do.>>
802
Afterwards the noble king of France went to the archbishop. He [the king of France] said [to him]: <<I would never swear [I could obtain] your reconciliation [with the king of England] but rather I always had [great] hope for it, but in the king of England I have discovered so great a vanity that he doesn't want to listen to me about it, neither in a private council, nor at an open hearing.>>
803
Many times I have both urged and demanded that you should remain in the kingdom of Saint Denis; now I place at your disposal my kingdom and my country: Étampes and Orleans, Chartres and Paris, your needs will be met from my treasury and out of my income. 4015
804
At Montmirail a conference was held. Two cardinals came from Rome to king Henry: they were William of Pavia and His Eminence John of Naples, who sided with the king in everything and who were willing to deceive the archbishop. 4020
805
The king said he was willing to humble himself thus far: that he would make a deal with the archbishop in whatever way they judged fit and in whatever way pleased Holy Church. He wondered if the archbishop would be in favour of this.
<<He must comply.>> they [the Cardinals] said,<<He cannot avoid doing this.>> 4025
806
On the night before the day set for the meeting St. Thomas lodged at Chartres together with the people he had brought with him. [That night] he had a vision. God had revealed this to him in a dream so that he would know with some certainty what would happen to him on the following day, what would be the main outcome of the discussions at the end of the day. He related this [vision] to his private circle [of companions]. 4030
807
[In his dream] it seemed to him that he was with the king in some place and that the king held out a very fine golden or gilded goblet full of wine and asked him to drink from it. [Thomas] looked at the thing and saw that it was very cloudy so much so that he had no wish to dare to imbibe or take it. 4035
808
After he had examined the goblet all round and saw that the wine was [indeed] very cloudy [it was then] that he had a [very] great shock. [He saw] two spiders emerge from the bottom of the goblet with one intent [to climb the sides of the goblet.] One sat on one side of the rim and the other sat on the other side of the same.
He cried out: <<Take this away. I have no wish to drink this putrid potion.>> 4040
809
In the morning he summoned his private circle of close companions to relate to them this vision which he had had that night.
<<I know well,>> he said <<how this conference will turn out. The king will make many fine offers to us but I will not accept any, because in them lie a great deceit [trap] 4045
810
>> The fine golden goblet which he wishes to give me was a fine offer which I cannot accept, the cloudy wine are traps which he wanted to set up. And the two large spiders are the two cardinals who want to plot against us if they can.>> 8050
811
When he [Thomas] arrived at the conference [council] he [indeed] found the cardinals were there.The king said he was willing to submit himself to these two's judgement and that whatever decision they came to he would willingly abide by it, and whatever decision Holy Church came to he would consider it. He [Thomas] well saw the scheming and guarded himself against them. 4055
812.
The cardinals wanted to push him into this snare, saying that he could not refuse to accept their decision nor any decision which Holy Church might want. And he said that he did not want to oppose any decision of Holy Church, nor did he want to demand anything from the king other than [his] lawful rights. 8060
813
But he did not wish, so he said, to enter into any legal plea [appeal] or to start a case about it until the king had restored all those things belonging to him and his people, both giving back and restoring their belongings in that same state just as they had left them at that time when they had been forced to leave England. 4065
814
for he [Becket] had no wish to make a legal plea for anything as a dispossessed person.The king [Henry II] in no sense wanted to agree to this. But he wanted to leave it to these two [cardinals] to make a judgement, But he [Becket] had no wish himself to accept their pronouncements. So he made his exit, as he could do no more. 4070
References
Immanuel Bekker (1838). La vie St. Thomas le martir: altfranzosisches gedicht aus einer wolfenbüttler handschrift. pp. 104–.
La vie de Saint Thomas le martyr; poème historique du 12e siècle (1172-1174) Publié par E. Walberg : Guernes, de Pont-Sainte-Maxence. p. 134-
La vie de Saint Thomas le martyr; poème historique du 12e siècle (1172-1174) Publié par E. Walberg : Guernes, de Pont-Sainte-Maxence, p. 277-
Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence); Gouttebroze & Quefelec tr (1990). La vie de saint Thomas Becket. Libr. H. Champion. p. 107- ISBN 978-2-85203-111-1.
Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence); Jacques Thomas tr (2002). La vie de Saint Thomas de Canterbury. Peeters. pp. 237–. ISBN 978-90-429-1188-8.
Richard Barber (2003). Henry Plantagenet. Boydell Press. pp. 125–. ISBN 978-0-85115-993-5.
----
Saint Thomas (à Becket); Saint Thomas Becket; Thomas (Becket.) (2000). The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162-1170: Letters 1-175. Volume 1. CTB 68 April 1166 Letter Becket to king Henry II Loqui de Deo: Clarendon Press. pp. 267–. ISBN 978-0-19-820892-1.
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