Monday, 24 December 2018

The Palace of Clarendon

Clarendon Palace


Clarendon Palace, the location where the Constitutions were drawn up and promulgated, a location very near to both Old Sarum [medieval Salisbury, about a 4 mile walk away]. Winchester was close by, and it was just about a day's ride from Southampton, and within 100 miles of London. It was selected for the convocation of the King's Grand Council most likely because of its huge deer park, and proximity to farm lands and store house necessary to be able to provision and feed all those summoned by the king to attend the Council, namely archbishops, bishops, abbot, earls, barons and others, and all their retinue and horses. It was originally a hunting lodge set in a royal forest, but gradually during Henry II's reign it was developing into a major palace with a Great Hall having several ancillary buildings for accommodation, kitchens, wine cellars and so forth; note it was not a castle but a palace, defensive works were minimal. Becket was known to be lodged in Winchester at the time of the Council of Clarendon, January 1164.

Wording on the plaque erected on the site by Sir Henry Hervey Bathurst, owner of the land in 1844:-

"The building of which this fragment formed a part, was long a favourite residence of the English monarchs, and has been historically connected with many important transactions and distinguished characters. Among others, Philip, king of Navarre, here rendered the first homage which was paid to Edward I as king of France; and John, king of France, with David, king of Scots, spent here a portion of their captivity. More especially here were enacted the Constitutions of Clarendon,—the first barrier raised against the claims of secular jurisdiction by the see of Rome. The spirit awakened within these walls ceased not to operate till it had vindicated the authority of the laws, and accomplished the reformation of the Church of England. To prevent the entire destruction of so interesting a memorial of past ages, sirF. H. H. Bathurst, bart., caused it to be supported and strengthened, and this inscription to be affixed, A.D. 1844." 






Photoset 1 https://flic.kr/s/aHskvPJgDL Clarendon Palace May 1st 2016

Photoset 2 https://flic.kr/s/aHskzmtYi3 Clarendon Palace May 1st 2016

Photoset Clarendon Palace June 2017 https://goo.gl/photos/mXmQMUJ5HJi4FKz49




T. B. James; Christopher M. Gerrard (2007). Clarendon: landscape of kings. Windgather. ISBN 978-1-905119-11-0. 

Anthony Emery (2007). Discovering Medieval Houses. Osprey Publishing. pp. 25–. ISBN 978-0-7478-0655-4.

Anthony Emery (2007). Discovering Medieval Houses. Osprey Publishing. pp. 33–. ISBN 978-0-7478-0655-4.
  
Chronology; or, A concise view of the annals of England: Wherein every particular occurrence from the descent of Julius Cæsar, to the present time ... is ... recorded, with the date affixed: also, an exact chronology of the lives of the most eminent men, in all ages of the world. To which is added a plan of the Saxon heptarchy .... J. Almon. 1769. pp. 86–.

William Stukeley (1776). Itinerarium curiosum; or, An account of the antiquities, and remarkable curiosities in nature or art, observed in travels through Great Britain. Printed for Baker and Leigh. pp. 4–

John Steane (2014). The Archaeology of Medieval England and Wales. Clarendon Palace (incl. Plan): Routledge. pp. 13–15. ISBN 978-1-317-59994-4.

John Steane (2003). The Archaeology of the Medieval English Monarchy. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-64158-1.


The Cycle of Images in the Palaces and Castles of Henry III
Tancred Borenius
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes , Vol. 6, (1943) , pp. 40-50

Tancred Borenius and John Charlton (1936).
Clarendon Palace: An Interim Report.
The Antiquaries Journal / Volume 16 / Issue 01 / January 1936, pp 55-84

Nikolaus Pevsner; Bridget Cherry (1975). Wiltshire. Clarendon Palace: Yale University Press. pp. 180–. ISBN 978-0-300-09659-0.

The Gentleman's Magazine. F. Jefferies. 1833. pp. 142–.

"Survey of the Manor and Forest of Clarendon" by Phillipps". Archaeologia:. Society of Antiquaries of London. 1834. pp. 151–8.



Peter Hall (1834). A brief history of Old and New Sarum. pp. 30–.


The Parliamentary Gazetteer of England and Wales.  A. Fullarton and Company. 1841. pp. 458–.

Archaeologia ; Or, Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity. Survey of the Manor and Forest of Clarendon, Wiltshire, in 1272.: Society of Antiquaries of London. 1833. pp. 151–.



King Alfred's Archaeology:- The Clarendon Project - http://goo.gl/uLLmWN

T. B. James; Anne M. Robinson; Elizabeth S. Eames (1988). Clarendon Palace: the history and archaeology of a medieval palace and hunting lodge near Salisbury, Wiltshire. Society of Antiquaries of London. ISBN 978-0-85431-248-1.


T. B. James; Christopher Gerrard (2007). Clarendon: landscape of kings. Windgather. ISBN 978-1-905119-10-3.

John Nichols (1833). The Gentleman's Magazine. Survey of the Manor and Forest of Clarendon, Wilts.: E. Cave. pp. 142–.



Journal of the British Archaeological Association. British Archaeological Association. 1859. pp. 203–.

Historic England Clarendon Palace https://goo.gl/Ni6cor 

Clarendon Palace - Revolvy 









More images

http://www.british-history.ac.uk/sites/default/files/publications/pubid-1056/images/fig13.gif
fig13.gif (GIF Image, 2332 × 2669 pixels) - Scaled (23%) - http://bit.ly/1SG3dBd


http://www.british-history.ac.uk/sites/default/files/publications/pubid-1056/images/fig14.gif
fig14.gif (GIF Image, 1921 × 2026 pixels) - Scaled (31%) - http://bit.ly/1SG3BiS
 

SU1830 :: Browse 18 Images :: Geograph Britain and Ireland

Roman roads and other historic routes in vicinity of Clarendon Palace

Roman Roads in Britain by Thomas Codrington
Port-Way

Roman Road Hub at Calleva [Silchester]

Port-Way

Devil's Highway

Iter Britanniarum

Iter XV [2 Kms from Clarendon Palace]
Venta Belgarum [Winchester] <> Brige [Broughton] <> Sorbioduni [Old Sarum]
Antonine Itinerary for Britain [ Iter Britanniarum]

Monarch's Way

Modern access to Clarendon Palace is via footpath known as The Clarendon Way

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Sunday, 9 December 2018

Garnier Life of St. Thomas Becket Chapter List




Prologue                                                                                           Stanzas 1-33

Becket's Early Life                                                        Stanzas 34-79

Election to the Archepiscopacy                                                        Stanzas 80-119

Obtaining the Pallium                                                                       Stanzas 120-128

Fetching Becket's Pallium from the Pope, July 1162                         Stanzas 120-128

Council of Woodstock                                                      Stanzas 151-154

Councils of Westminster 1163 and Clarendon 1164                         Stanzas 166-207

Council of Clarendon January 1164                                                  Stanzas 185-209

John of Oxford's and Geoffrey Ridel's mission to the Pope              Stanzas 210-221

On Criminous Clerics                                                                         Stanzas 222-284

Court Case - John the Marshal v. Thomas Becket          Stanzas 277-292

State Trial of Becket at Northampton (Anglo-Norman)      Stanzas 293-397

State Trial of Becket at Northampton  (English)                         Stanzas 293-397

Becket's Flight into Exile                                                                    Stanzas 398-447

King's Delegation meets with the Pope                                            Stanzas 448-466

Becket in the Presence of the Pope at Sens                                      Stanzas 467-478


Henry's Anger at Thomas's Flight                                                     Stanzas 513-545

Peter's Pence                                                                             Stanzas 546-549

Coronation of the Young King                                                  Stanzas 550 - 556

Introduction to the Letters                                                              Stanzas 557-569

Garnier: Letter Becket to King Henry II, (Exspectans exspectavi)                  Stanzas 570-608

Becket to King Henry (Desiderio desideravi)                          Stanzas 609-636

Letter from the Bishop of London to Becket (Quae vestro)            Stanzas 637-664


Garnier on Custom                                                                                        Stanzas 714-722

Life of Thomas at Pontigny                                                              Stanzas 723-760

Becket at Sens                                                                           Stanzas 750-796

Attempts at Reconciliation                                                      Stanzas 797-814

Conference at Montmirail January 1169                                   Stanzas 815 -843

Reconciliation with King Henry at Fréteval                                        Stanzas 841-888

Meeting of Becket with King Henry at Tours                                     Stanzas 889-917

Becket Prepares to Leave for England, 11...                                       Stanzas 917-943

Becket's Return from Exile, December 1170.                             Stanzas 943-953

Becket tries to see the Young King                                            Stanzas 954 - 989

Christmastide 1170                                                                    Stanzas 990-1032

Becket's Martyrdom 29th December 1170                                Stanzas 1033-1131

Events Immediately After the Murder of Becket                              Stanzas 1132 -1171

Miracles, Pilgrimages and Souvenirs                                                Stanzas 1172 - 1182

King Henry's Penance before the Tomb of St Thomas Becket   Stanzas 1183-1218


Master Fermin's Vision and Epilogue                                               Stanzas 1219-1236




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Garnier: Henry's Anger at Thomas's Flight


Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
https://goo.gl/xyem88
Stanzas 513-545
Lines 2561-

513
Or vus ai fait ici mult grant digressiun,
Car ne voil en l’estoire fere corruptiun.
Or m’estuet revenir ariere a ma raisun,
La u li sainz s’en fu fuïz de Northantun ;
2565 E que li reis en fist metrai en mun sermun.

514
Quant ot li reis Henris l’arcevesque s’en fuit,
Durement s’en marri, e si conseillier tuit.
Tuz les porz funt guaitier e de jur e de nuit,
Qu’il n’i puisse passer od plain chalant n’od vuit.
2570 Mais pur neent le fait, car Deus l’en ad conduit.

515
Quant nel poent trover en trestut’Engleterre,
Ne trover nel purrunt, s’a Sanz ne l’augent querre,
Sun mautalent e s’ire li reis mustre e desserre.
As parenz saint Thomas ad prise si grant guerre
2575 Que tuz les fist chacier hors de tute sa terre.

516
Tuz les en fist chacier, e hummes e muilliers,
Les clers enpersonez, burgeis e chevaliers,
Od filles e od fiz, od enfanz laiteniers.
Tut saisi en sa main, e terres e mustiers,
2580 E vif aveir e mort, blé, rentes e deniers.

517
Tute l’arcevesquié aveit il nis saisie,
En rentes e en fius, en autre manantie ;
E a Randuf del Broc l’a livree en baillie,
[80] Qui tute a l’ués le rei ad la rente cuillie.
2585 Del tut n’en pout aveir li sainz une demie.

518
De rien n’i pout aveir li sainz hum recovrier ;
Ne nuls de tuz ses clers n’i osa repairier,
Ne nuls des suens n’i out a beivre n’a mangier,
Ainz les ad fait li reis fors del païs chacier.
2590 Tut ad pris a sun ués tresqu’a un sul denier.

519
Ensi en sunt chacié li parent saint Thomas.
Vunt en autre païs dolent, chaitif e las,
E portent lur enfanz, lur robes e lur dras.
Veir se dit li vilains que « de si haut si bas » :
2595 Ainceis erent manant, or n’en i ad nul cras.

520
Li arcevesques sist un jor a sun mangier.
Sis mareschals li vint la novele nuncier
Que li reis out tut fait sun lignage esseillier :
Ainz tierz di en avreit plus d’un cent tut entier.
2600 Mais pur Deu l’en priout ne s’en volsist irier.

521
« Guilaume, se veïsse, fait li il, detrenchiez
Serganz pur ceste cause, e parenz eschorchiez,
E serurs e neveuz, n’en sereie esmaiez.
Car a seür sereie e bien certefïez
2605 Que salvé les avreit la divine pitiez. »

522
Ne pout en lui diables de nule part entrer.
Fait l’out de grant richesce e del païs jeter ;
Par sa char le voleit e par sun sanc trubler :
Par nul ennui ne pout sun esperit muer.
2610 Tut le mal qu’il suffri ne vus puet nuls mustrer.

523
Quant li sainz veit venir les suens a lui fuitiz,
E les enfanchunetz pendre as meres as piz,
E que lui e les suens aveit li reis proscriz,
Mielz volsist estre morz, mult fort est amatiz.
2615 Mais en Deu prent confort e es devins escriz.

524
Prist guarde a Habraam, a qui Deus comanda
Que de sa terre eissist ; e li bers s’en ala,
Guerpi ses conissanz, sa femme od sei mena.
Li reis pur sa beauté li toli e roba :
2620 Sauvement li rendi Deus e mult l’eshauça.

525
De Joseph li sovint, qui si altre noef frere
Vendirent pur deniers, e distrent a lur pere
Que devorez esteit d’icele beste fere.
Puis fu il en Egipte asez plus qu’enperere,
2625 E guari ses parenz de la famine amere.

526
E de l’enfant Jesu se prist a recorder,
Que li angles del ciel fist en Egypte aler
Pur la poür d’Erode, qui dunc fist decoler
Les enfanz de dous anz ; car Deu quida tuer.
2630 Mais es enfanz ne sout la deïté trover.

527
En teus essamples s’est granment reconfortez.
Mais nepurquant mult ert el corage trublez,
Quant essilliez esteit pur lui sis parentez ;
Kar pas n’aveit granz fius ne autres heritez
2635 Qu’il lur peüst duner ; tant fu plus esguarez.

528
En l’essil nepurquant li ad bien esteü :
Car li reis Loëwis l’a del tut maintenu,
Lui e les suens trové quanque mestier lur fu ;
E li barun franceis le runt tant succuru,
2640 Bien pout aidier as suens qui la furent venu.

529
Quant ot li reis Henris de la pape conter
Qu’il feseit par ses briefs les evesques mander,
A Clarendune ad fait sun concilie asembler.
Iluec voleit il faire as evesques jurer
2645 Que nul d’els pur apel ne passereit mais mer,

530
E qu’a pape Alissandre de rien n’obeïreient,
Ne pur ses mandemenz nule rien ne fereient,
Ne que nul de ses briés des or ne recevreient,
N’a Thomas ne as suens de rien nen aidereient.
2650 Il ne l’unt pas juré, mais ensi l’otrieient.

531
Li lai en furent mis par tut al serement.
(Rome est a Evrewic, Rogier a trop argent ;
Cil ad Angot od lui, dunc ad Rome en present !
Engleterre est enclose e de mer e de vent :
2655 Ne crient Deu ne ses sainz par un poi de turment.)

532
Encore aveit li reis comandé e bani
Que, s’en tute sa terre eüst clerc si hardi
Qui a Rume apelast, a l’ués le rei Henri
Sereient erramment tuit si chatel saisi
2660 E il mis en prisun, cum s’il eüst mal cri.

533
Tuit apeleient dunc la presence le rei,
Plaidouent en sa curt ; n’i aveit mot de lei.
Traitié erent iluec povre clerc a beslei,
Car l’iglise en porteit li riches ovec sei.
2665 Bien puis dire pur veir ço que jo oi e vei.

534
E li deniers saint Piere fu dunkes retenuz,
Si fu a l’eschekier e portez e renduz ;
Li rivages de mer guaitiez e purveüz :
Se nuls aportast brief, e fust aparceüz,
2670 Qui de Rume venist, tost fust pris e penduz.

535
Mais pluisur en i vindrent par le comandement
L’apostolie Alissandre, mais mult celeement,
Qui aporterent briefs, tel de castiement
De ço que li prelat errouent malement,
2675 Tel de suspensiun e tel de damnement.

536
Dunc manda saint Thomas ses evesques par cunte.
Nul d’els n’i volt aler fors Rogier, fiz le cunte.
Erramment passa mer senz cungié de vescunte ;
Ne fist a sun primat n’a saint’iglise hunte.
2680 Set anz fu en eissil ; mult enprunta a munte.

537
Or oez les capitles que li reis enveiad
As bailliz del païs ; e sis i aportad
Vualters de Grimesbi (li escriz le numad),
Vuimuns li chapelains, qui od li i alad.
2685 Tost vus avrai conté ço que escrit i ad :

538
Se nuls brief el païs de la pape aportast,
U que li arcevesques Thomas i enveiast,
Qui la cristïenté defendist ne veast,
Qu’il fust erramment pris e que l’um le guardast,
2690 Desque li reis Henris sun voil en commandast.

539
Se clers, muines, chanuines u convers passast mer,
Le brief a la justise l’en estuveit porter ;
E se nuls revolsist en Engleterre aler,
Le brief le rei portast qu’il volsist la passer.
2695 Senz ço le fesist l’um prendre e enprisuner.

540
Ne nuls nul mandement ne tenist ne guardast
Que pape u l’arcevesque Thomas i enveiast ;
Ne nuls lur mandement el païs n’aportast.
E se nul od tel brief clerc u lai encontrast,
2700 Qu’il fust pris erramment e qu’um l’enprisunast.

541
Se pape u l’arcevesque nului entredesist,
Se evesques u abes lur sentence tenist,
Clers u lais ensement, hors del païs fuïst
Od trestut sun lignage, k’un sul n’i remasist ;
2705 Rien n’eüssent del lur, mais li reis tut presist.

542
Li clerc qui orent rentes e lur possessiuns,
Qu’en chascune cunté fuissent treis feiz sumuns :
Se repairier volsissent as rentes n’as maisuns,
Ariere revenissent dedenz treis luneisuns,
2710 U tuz dis remansissent mais en chaitivesuns ;

543
Tut lur aveir avreit tresqu’a un sul denier
Li reis. – Car pur ço out fait cel ban denuncier,
Que li clerc saint Thomas n’osouent repairier ;
E par cele sumunse les voleit esluignier
2715 E a tuz dis del tut proscrire e essillier. –

544
Li evesques de Lundres e cil de Norewiz
Fuissent sumuns a dreit, ço ruva li escriz,
Par devant les justises que li reis out esliz,
Par quel raisun quens Hue ert par els entrediz
2720 Sur decrez que li reis out el regne establiz.

545
– Veez cum grant dolur, quel mort e quel juïse
Suffreit a icel tens la sainte mere iglise :
Que sa dreiture faire n’osout ne sa justise ;
E s’ele le fesist, la venjance en fust prise.
2725 Pur les dreiz sa mere a li fiz sa teste mise. –

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Garnier: John of Oxford's and Geoffrey Ridel's mission to the Pope


Extract from
Stanzas 210 - 221
Lines 1046 - 1105

210
Quant veit li reis Henris del tut est repuiez,
Vers l'arceveske fu mult durement iriez,
E a pris sun conseil cument il ert pleissiez :
Mult volentiers se fust, së il poiist, vengiez.
Dune fu de mais engins sis conseilz esforciez : 1050

211
Dune li unt conseillié e privé e baron
S'il pôeit de la pape aver grëanteison
Qu' a celui d'Everwiz doinst la légation,
L'arceverke purra pleissir tut a bandon :
Tut vendra a son pié, u bien voile u non. 1055

212
Dune a dous de ses clers a la pape enveiez,
Johan d'Oxeneford, ki esteit travailliez,
E dan Geffrei Ridel, ki ert apareilliez
Del message furnir ki lur esteit chargiez.
A l'apostoile vont. Il les a repuiez, 1060

213
Car l'iglise, ceo dit, de Seinte Ternité
Fu e est e deit estre de grant auctorité ;
Aine cele d'Everwiz n'ot sur li pôesté,
Ne par lui n'en avra en trestut sun eé ;
Ne unkes cil dui prélat n'orent ami esté. 1065

214
Mes li uns des messages fu forment malveisiez :
A la pape jura sur sainz, agenuilliez,
De la legatïun se li reis n'esteit liez,
Si tost cum les verreit el pais repairiez,
L'arceveske serreit del chief amenuisiez. 1070

215
Mes l'apostoile fu hum de mult grant saveir.
Veit k'um deit fere mal pur le pis remaneir ;
Dit la legatïun fera al rei aveir,
Mes de nullui grever n'avra pur ceo pôeir,
Ne celui d'Everwiz n'i purra asëeir. 1075

216
Car unes altres lettres erranment escrivra,
En la tere a un sun privé les tramettra.
E se li reis Henris nullui grever voldra
Par sa légation, défendre lui fera.
Ja sa légation mestier ne li avra. 1080

217
Li mesagier le rei furent mult vezïé.
Quant virent qu'il esteient ensi poi avancié,
L'apostôlie Alissandre unt ensi araisnié :
« Sire, li reis vus ad porté grant amistié.
Bien l i devriez faire ço qu'il vus ad preié. 1085

218
Kar li reis nel fait pas pur nului deposer,
Mais pur ço qu’il voldreit l’arcevesque mater
E a sa volenté, s’il poeit, aturner ;
E qu’il li peüst bien, veant ses clers, mustrer
Que il le purreit bien, se il voleit, grever. 1090

219– Autre legatiun, fait lur il, n’i avrez. »
Il fist ses briefs escrire, si lur aveit livrez.
En Engleterre vunt, al rei les unt mustrez.
Quant vit qu’il ne purra faire ses volentez,
Mult aveit poi ces briefs e preisiez e amez. 1095

220
Il en fist nepurquant mainte feiz mustreisun,
Quel virent li evesque, li cunte e li barun ;
Si lur diseit : « Veez, j’ai la legatiun.
L’arcevesque puis metre en grant confundeisun. »
Mais il ne li pot faire nul’altre greveisun. 1100

Translation

210
When king Henry saw he [Becket] had totally rejected everything, he became very very fiercely angry with the archbishop, and took counsel how he might subdue him. Very willingly he would seek vengeance, if it were possible, but then the counsels that he had received were reinforced with evil scheming. 1050

 211
For then it was both his inner council and barons who had advised him, that if he could, from the Pope obtain a promise that if he, [the archbishop] of York, could be appointed [papal] legate [to England], archbishop [Becket] could be, at his pleasure, be brought totally under [his] control, completely well made to come [to fall at] his feet, whether he wanted [to do] it or not. 1055

 Rough and Provisional Translation

210
When the king realized that his request was totally rejected, he was extremely angry with the archbishop, and took the advice of his council to find out how he might defeat him. The whole council was seized with malice; and if he could, he would gladly have exacted revenge. 1050

211
So his privy councillors and the magnates of the kingdom recommended to him, if he could, to obtain from the Pope the promise of giving the papal legateship to the Archbishop of York; through whom he could bend Archbishop Thomas to his will, whereby he would have to come, whether he liked it or not, to kiss his feet. 1055

212
The king sent two of his clerics to the pope. John of Oxford and Master Geoffrey Ridel went to great lengths to fulfill the mission they were charged with. They met the pope who rejected their request. 1060

213
The Church of the Holy Trinity [Canterbury], in fact, according to him, had, and must have great authority; never has that of York exercised any sovereignty over her, and never, in her lifetime, will he consent to allow it. Moreover never had these two prelates come to an agreement. 1065

214
One of the envoys, however, was most treacherous. Kneeling, he swore [an oath] to the pope, on relics, that if the king were not satisfied with their embassy, as soon as they returned to the country, the archbishop would be beheaded. 1070

215
But the pope was a man of very good [and great] sense. He saw clearly that one must choose between two evils to avoid the worst. He says that he will provide the king with the legateship; but he will not, for all that, have the opportunity [power] to punish anyone, or grant it to the Archbishop of York. 1075

216
He will write another letter at once and send it to Great Britain to one of his trusted men. And if King Henry wants to use the legateship to harm anyone, the pope will oppose it. His legate will never [be allowed to] serve him in this way. 1080

217
The messengers of the king were very crafty. When they saw that they were making but little progress, they addressed these words to Pope Alexander: <<The King has testified towards Your Holiness a great friendship. You should give him what he has asked you to. 1085

218
Indeed the king does not ask you to dismiss someone, but because he wants the archbishop put down and, if possible, [to force him] to submit him to his will he might, in front of his clerics, show his capacity to do harm to him, if that were his will. 1090

219
<<You will not obtain,>> he answered, <<a legateship with wider powers [from me].>> He had the letters [to the king of appointment of the legate] written and entrusted them to them. They went back to England and showed them to the king. When he saw that he could not do what he planned, he gave little esteem and value to these letters. 1095

220
He did, however, mention it on many occasions, [and ensured] that bishops, counts, and barons saw them; he said to them, <<See, I have the [papal] legate. I can put the Archbishop in a difficult situation.>> But he could not bring against him any other accusation. 1100

221
He conceived a great spite at being unable to do anything else, and sent the missives back to Pope Alexander. He waged a fierce war against the clerics and Holy Church, tormenting the clergy wherever he could, and testifying that the archbishop was his mortal enemy.

Alernative Rough Translation

210 Seeing himself thus rejected, King Henry flew into a terrible rage against the archbishop. He asked his council how to bend him [to his will], for he wanted to avenge himself, if he could. [As a consequence] his advice was rich with deceit:

211 Private advisers and notables told him that if he could obtain from the pope that he granted the [papal] legateship to the archbishop of York, he would have the archbishop of Canterbury submit as he pleased, so much so that he would have to throw himself helplessly at his feet.

212 The king sent two of his clerics, John of Oxford and Geoffrey Ridel, to the pope, who performed the mission they were charged with: they went to the pope, but they were saved,

213 <<Because,>> said the pope, <<the Church of the Holy Trinity [Canterbury] had always been, was, and would be of great authority, never had York had any power over her, and whilst he lived him, she would not receive it. The two titular prelates had never agreed.>>

214
But one of the envoys was very devious. He fell on his knees before the pope, he swore on holy relics that if the king was not satisfied with the legateship, the archbishop would have his head cut off as soon as the mission returned to the country.

215
The pope was a man of great wisdom. He saw that it was necessary to do evil to avoid the worst, and replied that the King would obtain the required legateship, but without it having the power to injure anyone, nor that of installing the Archbishop of York as the legateship.

216
In fact, the pope would immediately write another letter, which he would send to the country to one of his relatives, who would be in charge if necessary to prevent King Henry from using the legation to harm someone: his Legation would never be of any use to him.

217
Seeing that they were making so little progress, the envoys were very cunning, addressing Pope Alexander in these words: <<Lord, the King does not cease to testify a great attachment to you: you should answer his prayer well,

218 
>>Because he does not act in order to dismiss someone; but he would like to have the archbishop submit, and see if he can rally him to his will, if, however, he needs to be able to demonstrate to his clerics, that he could very well harm him if he wanted to.>>

219
 <<You will not get any other legateship here.>> Said the Pope. The pope had his letter written and handed it to them. They returned to England and explained it to the king. When he realized that he could not carry out his plans, he held this document in a sorry light.

220
He made many displays of it, however, so as to have it seen by the bishops, counts, and notables; he said to them: <<See, I have the legateship. I can put the Archbishop in great embarrassment.>> But he was not able to cause him any injury.

221
As it was very painful for him not to profit more from this letter, he sent it back to Pope Alexander, and fought hard against the clergy and the Holy Church, molesting the clergy on every occasion and hounding the archbishop to death.


References

Ridel, Geoffrey (d.1189) (DNB00) - Wikisource,

Geoffrey Ridel (bishop of Ely) - Wikipedia

John of Oxford - Wikipedia

Oxford, John of (DNB00) - Wikisource

Edward Foss (1848). The Judges of England: With Sketches of Their Lives, and Miscellaneous Notices Connected with the Courts at Westminster, from the Time of the Conquest. Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. pp. 288–.

 Edward Foss (1848). The Judges of England: With Sketches of Their Lives, and Miscellaneous Notices Connected with the Courts at Westminster, from the Time of the Conquest. Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. pp. 133–.

 John Morris (1885). The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Thomas Becket. Chapter XIV Negotiations: Burns and Oates. pp. 114–.
Materials for the history of Thomas Becket Volume V pp.85-6 Epistola 50 [MTB 50]

 Materials for the history of Thomas Becket, Volume V pp 91-2 Epistola 53 [MTB 53]






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