Sunday, 7 April 2013

Ralph de Diceto: De controversiis inter regnum et sacerdotium

Extracts from

Ralph de Diceto . Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis Opera Historica: The Historical Works of Master Ralph de Diceto, Dean of London. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-04933-7

Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis
Opera Historica, 
edited by William Stubbs. 2 vols. 
Rolls Series, vol. 68. London, 1876.
Volume 1
Ymagines Historiarum

1. Receives the Pall and Resigns the Chancellorship.

Postquam autem induit vestes summis sacerdotibus Domino disponento collatas, habitum sic mutavit ut mutaret et animum. Nam curiae curis interesse non approbans, ut eximeretur a curia, vacans orationi, superintendens ecclesiae suae negotiis, nuntium in Normanniam regi direxit, renuntians cancellariae, sigillum resignans. Quod altius in corregis ascendit, in se solum causam resignationis tam subitae retorquentis. Audierat namque quod Maguntinus archiepiscopus in Theutonica sub rege, quod Coloniensis archiepiscopus in Italia sub imperatore, nomen sibi vendicent archicancellarii. Nec promiscuis actibus aestimant turbari rerum officia, si gestant in dextera baculum pastoralem, et ad expediendas regni vel imperii necessitates et pacem ecclesise procurandam propensius accinguntur, dummodo cancellarius curias sinistra lateri sigillum allateret nunc regis, nunc imperatoris.[qui dicitur protonotarius]
But after that [his consecration as archbishop] he put on the apparel of the chief priest, the Lord ordaining it, and it [the pallium] was conferred upon him; and as he changed his attire, it was then that his frame of mind changed, for he no longer approved of the business of the court and wanted to stand apart from it, and in order to remove himself from the court, to stand still in prayer, to superintend the affairs of the church, he sent a message to the king, who was in Normandy, renouncing the chancellorship and resigning the seal [of state].That the more deeply felt in the heart of the king, in itself the cause of so sudden a resignation that it had to be related to this: for he, the king, had heard that the archbishop of Mainz, in the kingdom of Germany, and that the archbishop of Cologne in Italy under the emperor, both held the title of archchancellor.  He acts neither indiscriminately considering the welter of official matters who if they bear in their right hand the pastoral staff, and who are more likely to expedite the needs of the kingdom or empire and readily to procure peace  with the church, provided also that the chancellor of the royal court on his left hand bears either the king's or emperor's seal[, and who may be called its chief clerk].

Ralph de Diceto (15 November 2012). Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis Opera Historica: The Historical Works of Master Ralph de Diceto, Dean of London. Cambridge University Press. pp. 307-8. ISBN 978-1-108-04933-7.

See also

Thomas (Becket); Ed. Jacques Paul Migne (1854). S. Thomae Cantuariensis archiepiscopi et martyris nec non Herberti de Boseham clerici ejus a secretis opera omnia. Migne. p. 435.

Migne (1854). Patrologiae cursus completus: sive Bibliotheca universalis. Patrologiae Tomus CXC [Volume 190]. J. P. Migne. p. 435.

Ralph de Diceto (1876). Ed William Stubbs. Radulfi de Diceto decani Lundoniensis opera historica: The historical works of Master Ralph de Diceto, dean of London. Rolls Series Volume 68, Part 1. Longman & Company. pp. 307–8.

2. Thomas meets with the king and has to resign the Archdeaconry.

Thomas Cantuariorum archiepiscopus obviam regi veniens, quum rediret in Angliam, receptus est in osculum, sed non in plenitudine gratiae, sicut vultus statim aversus omnibus, qui convenerant, patenter ostendit.

Thomas ex archidiacono Cantuariensi sumptus ad archiepiscopatum, ad instantissimam regis postulationem diutius distulit archidiaconatum transferre. Transtulit tandem ut rex petivit, sed gratiam regis ad tempus subtractam, ut videbatur sibi postmodum redintegratam non ad plenum agnovit.

Thomas archbishop of Canterbury, went to meet the King when he came, after he had returned to England, and was received with a kiss, but it was not given in the fullness of grace, for he [the king] immediately turned his face away, and everyone present patently observed this.

Thomas became the ex-archdeacon of Canterbury upon becoming archbishop. The king urgently demanded that he could no longer delay the transfer of the archdeaconry  At last he transferred it, as the king sought, but he was withdrawn from the grace of the king for a time, as it seemed to him afterwards that his recognition was not restored in full.


See also

Matthew Paris. Matthaei Parisiensis Chronica Majora. Cambridge University Press. pp. 221–. ISBN 978-1-108-04900-9.

3. Clarembald abbot of S. Augustine's prays to be consecrated without the profession of obedience.

Clarembaldus, abbas electus Sancti Augustini, benedictionem ab archiepiscopo Tboma quaerebat accipere, sed in ecelesia propria, sed sine protessione, sed sine cujusvis in posterum subjectionis prorsus adempta. Cum autem rex se verbis hujusmodi non opposuerit partibus antiquitatis in finibus persuadens, et eas omnibus modis quibus ratio fieri potuisset inducens, alteram inclinatior videbatur in partem.

Clarembald, abbot-elect of St. Augustine's, sought blessing from archbishop Thomas, to be undertaken in his own church, without profession of obedience, without any hope of securing his subjection in the future. But when this matter was brought to the king's notice, he said it should decided by the precedent of ancient practice, describing to them all the ways in which this could be done: in this he [the king] was seen to be more inclined towards the other party.


See also

4. Dispute of  archbishop Thomas with the earl of Hertford about Tunbridge, July 22 1163.
Comes  de  Clara Rogerus  a Thoma Cantuariensi archepiscopo  vocatus  xi. kalendas  Augusti apud Westmustier  ad  homagium  sibi faeiendum  de castello Tunebruge, et de pertinentibus  ad castellum, archiepiscopo duriorem opposuit adversarium, respondens totum illud feodum in servitio militari et publicis pensionibus persolvendis  regem  potius attendisse  quam  archiepiscopum.

Roger, Earl of Clare,  was summoned by archbishop Thomas of Canterbury to Westminster on the eleventh day before the calends of August [22nd July] to do homage to him for the castle of Tunbridge, and for the lands pertaining to the castle. He pledged to be a strong opponent of the archbishop, answering that the whole feoff had been granted for military service, and as a public pension [homage] was owed to the king rather than directed to the archbishop.


Great Britain. Public Record Office (1876). Rerum Britannicarum Medii Ævi Scriptores: Or, Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland During the Middle Ages p. 311

See also

Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores X : Simeon monachus... Johannes prior Hagustaldensis... Ricardus prior Hagustaldensis... Ailredus abbas Rievallensis... Radulphus de Diceto... Johannes Brompton... Gervasius monachus... Thomas Stubbs... Guilielmus Thorn.... typis Jacobi Flesher, sumptibus Cornelii Bee. 1652. p. 538

William Henry Ireland (1829). England's Topographer: Or A New and Complete History of the County of Kent; from the Earliest Records to the Present Time, Including Every Modern Improvement. Embellished with a Series of Views from Original Drawings by Geo. Shepherd, H. Gastineau, &c. with Historical, Topographical, Critical, & Biographical Delineations. G. Virtue. pp. 362–.

5. Inquest into the tenure of William de Ros.

Inquisitio generalis est facta per Angliam, cui quis in servitio saeculari de jure teneretur obnoxius. Inventum est in Cantia, procurantibus justiciariis, quod Willelmus de Ros in munere quolibet subendo regem deberet agnoscere, non archiepiscopum: sic odium personae redundavit in dampnum ecclesiae.

A general investigation was held in England to ascertain who was bound by law to render service to the secular authority. It was determined in Kent, by the examining justiciars, that William de Ros had a duty to render whatsoever was owed and claimed by the king, and not to the archbishop: thus hatred was poured forth upon the parsons in damnation of the churches.


Ralph de Diceto (1965). Radulfi de Diceto decani Lundoniensis opera historica: The historical works of Master Ralph de Diceto, dean of London. Kraus Reprint. pp. 311–.

See also

The Church of England Quarterly Review. William Pickering. 1840. pp. 349–

British Historical Documents: Life of Thomas Becket (Gervase of Canterbury) (1853) British Historical Documents: Life of Thomas Becket (Gervase of Canterbury).
Available at:

Frank Barlow (1990). Thomas Becket. Bishop John of Poitiers' Advice: University of California Press. pp. 136–. ISBN 978-0-520-07175-9.

Saint Thomas (à Becket) ed. Anne Duggan . The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162-1170: Letters 1-175CTB 66 (early 1166): Bishop John of Poitiers to Thomas Becket: Clarendon Press. pp. 255–63. ISBN 978-0-19-820892-1.

B. Tierney (2012). Authority and Power. Cambridge University Press. pp. 59–. ISBN 978-1-107-40456-4.

Thomas K. Keefe (1983). Feudal Assessments and the Political Community Under Henry II and His Sons. University of California Press. pp. 10–12. ISBN 978-0-520-04582-8.

 Richard Hurrell Froude; James Bowling Mozley (1839). Remains of the Late Reverend Richard Hurrell Froude: v. 2 J. G. & F. Rivington. pp. 459–.

6. Quarrel of Thomas with William of Eynesford

Thomas archiepiscopus vacantem ecclesiam Aineforda contulit in Laurentium: Willelmus villae dominus sibi vendicans jus patronatus in eadem ecclesia Laurentium expulit, archiepiscopus eum excommunicavit. Quod quia minime certiorato rege fecisset, maximam regis indignationem incurrit. Asserit namque rex juxta dignitatem regni, quod nullus capitaneorum, nullus militans regi, nullus minister regis, nullus scilicet, ut vulgariter loquar, de rege tenens in capite castellum , villam, vel praedium, citra conscientiam regis est excommunicandus ab aliquo ne si super hoc rex certioratus non fuerit, ignorantia lapsus communicet excommunicacato ; capitaneum suum venientem ad se, vel invitans ad osculum, vel recipiens in consilium.

Archbishop Thomas conferred the vacant church of Eynesford upon [one called] Lawrence.  William, lord of the manor, claiming the right of patronage in the same church expelled this Lawrence, for which act the archbishop excommunicated him. But this was done without consulting the king, and incurring his, the king's greatest fury, for he, the king, asserted that one of  the crown's royal dignities, was that no military officer, no royal minister, and no one called, in the vernacular, the king's tenant-in-chief of a castle, town, or estate, whom the king may come physically into contact with [on this side of the king's conscience], is to be excommunicated lest the king, not having consulted him first, for if he might unwittingly to come into contact with someone who had been excommunicated, one of his captains who had come into his presence, either being invited to kiss or being received in council.


Michel-Jean-Joseph Brial (1813). Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France: Rerum gallicarum et francicarum scriptores. Imprimerie impériale puis royale. pp. 106–

Anselmo (Santo, Arzobispo de Canterbury) (1721). Sancti Anselmi ... Cantuariensis archiepiscopi, Opera nec non Eadmeri, monachi Cantuariensis historia novorum et alia opuscula. sumptibus Montalant. p. 114–

7. The king sends envoys to the pope [late 1163]

Rex Anglia nuntios ad dominum papam confinia scismaticorum in Gallia declinantem direxit, A. scilicet Luxoviensem episcopum, et R. Pictevensem archdiaconum qui saevitiam maris et fluctuum intra spacium trium mensium experti sexies dum ad regni consuetudines auctoritate summi pontificis roborandas plutimum elaborassent, nec in aliquo profuissent, in ultimo reditu suo regis animum adversus plurimos magis ac magis exasperatum mitigare non potuerunt.

The king of England sent messengers, namely Arnulf  bishop of  Lisieux and Richard [of Ilchester] archdeacon of Poitiers  to the the lord pope, who was confined in France, forced there by the schismatics, and [these messengers] who faced the cuelty of the sea and waves six times in the space of three months trying to elaborate the king's customs with much corroboration and authority to the supreme pontiff, nor in any they would benefit, in the final reckoning in the king's mind the very many against, more and more exasperation they could not change [the pope's mind].


See also

B. Tierney; Peter Linchan (11 December 1980). Authority and Power. CUP Archive. pp. 71–. ISBN 978-0-521-22275-4

Frank Barlow (1990). Thomas Becket. University of California Press. pp. 96–. ISBN 978-0-520-07175-9

8. Council of Clarendon

Ex mandato regis concurrentibus episcopis et proceribus apud Clarendune, VIII. kalendas Februarii post immensos tractatus rex tandem ad hoc animos praelatorum inflexit, ut regni consuetudines archiepiscoporum et episcoporum auctoritate firmarentur et scriptis. Quod Thomas Cantuarensis archiepiscopus dum asd cognitionem summi pontificis pertullit, ab obligatione quam inierat absoluttionem petiit et impetravit.  (Imagines Historiarum, i.312).


9. Henry's policy of punishing criminal clergymen. Philip de Broc and his punishment.
Rex Anglorum volens in singulis, ut dicebat, maleficia debita cum severitate punire, et ordinis dignitatem ad iniquum trahi compensium in congruum esse considerans, clericos a suis justiciariis in publiciio flagitio deprehensos espiscopo loci reddendos decreverat, ut quos episopus inveniret obnoxios, praesente justiciria regis exauctoret, et post curiae traderet puniendos. In contrarium sentiebant episcopi; quos enim exauctorarent a manu laicali contendebant protegere, alioquin bis judicaretur in idpsum. Huic controversiae praestitit occasionem Phillipus de Broc, canonicus de Bedeford, qui, tractus in causam propter homicidium, in justiciarium regis verbum protulit contumeliosum. Quod cum coram archiepiscopo negare non posset, praebendae suae multatus est beneficio, pulsus est a regno a per biennium.

The King of the English in particular wanted, as he was saying, that crimes should be punished with all due severity. Regardless of dignity or rank he considered that for a more consistent and just outcome, clerics seized by his own justices in public disgrace should be rendered to the bishop of the district to be judged, and if the bishop determines they were guilty and  having been degraded, they should then be presented before the King's justice and delivered to his court for punishment. The bishops felt quite the opposite; they contended that those indeed who had been degraded, should be protected from the hand of lay justice, otherwise it would seem as if they had been judged twice for the same crime.

This controversy became apparent on the occasion of Philip de Broc, canon of Bedford, who, when he had been dragged into a case concerning murder, had proferred profanities in front of the king's justiciar.  And when he was not be able to deny this, in the presence of the archbishop, he was deprived of the benefit of his prebend as punishment, and banished from the kingdom for two years.


Matthew Paris (15 November 2012). Matthaei Parisiensis Chronica Majora. Cambridge University Press. pp. 227–. ISBN 978-1-108-04900-9.


Paul Dalton; Dr. Charles Insley; Louise J. Wilkinson (2011). Cathedrals, Communities and Conflict in the Anglo-Norman World. Boydell Press. pp. 176–. ISBN 978-1-84383-620-9.

10. Thomas attempts to leave England.

Archiepiscopus Romam profecturus apud Romenl, inscio rege, navem ascendit, vento contrario rejectus in Angliam; in quo plurimum regis offensam incurrit.

The archbishop departed for Rome from Romney, without the king knowing. He boarded a ship, but the winds were contrary and the boat was blown back to England, where he incurred much wrath from the king.

Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores X : Simeon monachus... Johannes prior Hagustaldensis... Ricardus prior Hagustaldensis... Ailredus abbas Rievallensis... Radulphus de Diceto... Johannes Brompton... Gervasius monachus... Thomas Stubbs... Guilielmus Thorn.... typis Jacobi Flesher, sumptibus Cornelii Bee. 1652. p. 714.

Great Britain. Public Record Office (1876). Rerum Britannicarum Medii Ævi Scriptores: Or, Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland During the Middle Ages.  p. 313.

See also

Roger (of Wendover); Matthew Paris; John Allen Giles (1841). Roger of Wendover's Flowers of history: Comprising the history of England from the descent of the Saxons to A.D. 1235; formerly ascribed to Matthew Paris. H. G. Bohn. pp. 297–.

11. Quarrel of John the Marshal

Tractus in causam, Johanne Marescallo regi deferente querelam pro quodam manerio archiepiscopatus, quod a multis temporibus, ut dicebatur, inconcusse possederat archiepiscopus; tandem post longas fatigationes in quibusdam articulis contrariam reportavit sententiam, et regi judicatum solvi sufficientissime capit, in quingentis libris habita taxatione.

[Archbishop Thomas was] summoned to appear in a case by the king accused by John the Marshal, in a complaint concerning a certain manor, which the archbishop had held possession of it, it was said, steadfastly for a very long time; and, at length, after an exhaustive debate, that the previous decision was reversed, and it was held that a fine was at most sufficient to pay [by the Archbishop] to the king of five hundred pounds.


See also

Matthew Paris; Henry Richards Luard; Roger (of Wendover) (1964). Matthaei Parisiensis, monachi Sancti Albani, Chronica majora: 1067-1216. Longman & Company. p. 227.

12. Archbishop Thomas tried at Northampton, Oct. 13.

Council of Northampton.

Thomas Cantuariensis archiepiscopus, super actu quem egerat in cancellaria tractus in causam, praesentiam suam exhibuit apud Northamtunam iii idus Octobris. Convenerunt illuc episcopi, comites, barones totius regni, mandato regis urgente. Rogerus Eboracensis archiepiscopus vocatus advenit. Et quoniam episcopatuum, abbatiarum tempore suo vacantium bona de jure cancellariae suae fuerant deputata custodiae, quoniam regis ulterior familiaritas penes cancellarium excreverat, eo usque ut castellaniam de Eya, et castellaniam de Bercamstede pluribus annis libere possedisset et disposuisset pro velle, perceptorum summam in ratiocinium venire consentaneum juri pluribus videbatur, et a capite rationem reddendam ordinarium reputabant; licet ante consecrationem suam archiepiscopus ab Henrico filio et haerede regis, et a justitiario regni liber et absolutus ab omni ratiocinio fuisset assignatus episcopus. Cum autem absolutionem factam hoc modo de voluntate regis et mandato probari non posset, adversus episcopos, ne eum injuste condemnarent, judicio appellavit, et ab eis itidem appellatus est. Sed proceres, licet adversus eos processerit appellatio, et sub anathemate prohibiti sunt in patrem et judicem suum ferre sententiam, nichilominus tamen in eum, nec confessum, nec convictum, sed privilegium ecclesiae protestantem et suum, sententiam intorserunt; sic archiepiscopus in artissimo positus, multis affectus injuriis, et opprobriis lacessitus, et episcoporum destitutus consilio, crucem quam manu tenebat in altum erigens discessit a curia. Nocte sequente, villam latenter egrediens, ab aspectibus hominum diebus se subtrahens, et noctibus iter peragens, post dies aliqnot ad portum Sandicum pervenit, navicula fragili transvectus in Flandriam.


Ralph de Diceto (15 November 2012). Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis Opera Historica: The Historical Works of Master Ralph de Diceto, Dean of London. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-1-108-04933-7.

Ralph de Diceto (1965). Radulfi de Diceto decani Lundoniensis opera historica: The historical works of Master Ralph de Diceto, dean of London. Kraus Reprint. pp. 313–.

David Wilkins (1737). Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae: a synodo verolamiensi A.D. CCCC XLVI. ad londinensem A.D. M DCCXVII. sumptibus R. Gosling; F. Gyles; T. Woodward; et C. Davis. pp. 436–.  

See also

Matthew Paris (15 November 2012). Matthaei Parisiensis Chronica Majora. Cambridge University Press. pp. 228–. ISBN 978-1-108-04900-9.

13. Mission of William of Pavia and John of Naples.

Willelmus Papiensis, Johannes Neapolitanus cardinales a latere summi pontificis destinati, regem et archiepiscopum convocaverunt apud Mumnirail; et licet archiepiscopus eos in partem regis inelinatiores sensisset, rem tamen in judicium ea ratione deduci concessit, illis publice residentibus, ut secundum ordinem ecclesiasticum, tam sibi quam suis prius fieret ablatorum in integrum restitutio. 

Nec enim spoliatus subire judicium voluit, nec cogi potuit aliqua ratione. Quod cum illi nec vellent nec possent,infecto negotio redierunt ad curiam.

William of Pavia and John of Naples, cardinals, appointed as plenipotentiary legates of the supreme pontiff, summoned to Montmirail the king and the archbishop; and although the archbishop felt that they leaned towards the king's side, he conceded that the matter could be decided by them, with them seated in public, so that according to rules of the church, that which had been taken could be restored  in full to him and his own [clerks]

Failure of the mission.
However, for the one who had been stripped [of his postion] neither was he willing to submit to the judgment, nor did he want to be forced in any way. And when they could neither do what they wanted, they returned to the [Pope's] Curia with the business unfinished.


Ralph de Diceto (15 November 2012). Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis Opera Historica: The Historical Works of Master Ralph de Diceto, Dean of London. Cambridge University Press. p. 234. ISBN 978-1-108-04933-7

Great Britain. Public Record Office (1964). Rerum Britannicarum Medii Ævi Scriptores: Or, Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland During the Middle Ages. Kraus Reprint. pp. 234–

Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores X : Simeon monachus... Johannes prior Hagustaldensis... Ricardus prior Hagustaldensis... Ailredus abbas Rievallensis... Radulphus de Diceto... Johannes Brompton... Gervasius monachus... Thomas Stubbs... Guilielmus Thorn.... typis Jacobi Flesher, sumptibus Cornelii Bee. 1652. pp. 547–

See also

English Historical Society (1841). Publications. sumptibus Societatis. pp. 314–.

Roger of Wendover. Rogeri de Wendover Liber Qui Dicitur Flores Historiarum Ab Anno Domini MCLIV Annoque Henrici Anglorum Regis Secundi Primo: The Flowers of History by Roger of Wendover from the Year of Our Lord 1154. Cambridge University Press. pp. 60–1. ISBN 978-1-108-05232-0.
See: Roger (of Wendover); Matthew Paris (1849). Roger of Wendover's Flowers of history: Comprising the history of England from the descent of the Saxons to A.D. 1235; formerly ascribed to Matthew Paris. H. G. Bohn. pp. 550–.

Contributi dell'Istituto di storia medioevale. Società Editrice Vita e Pensiero. 1962. p. 66.

14. Failure to Reconcile 1169

Account of the Mission of Vivian and Gratian

Inter Angliae regem et archiepiscopum paci reformandae multi multam multotiens operam impenderunt. Ad ultimam missos fuisse duos a latere summi pontific superioribus litteris accepistis. Et qui nec meritis praecedentibus, nec offensis intra viscera materna conclusos, Jacob dilexit, et Esau reprobavit, ipse Deus sic instituit animos Viviani et Gratiani, ut a primordio legationis iniunctae statim alter regem, statim alter archiepiscopum modis omnibus fovere proponeret, et quorum erat potestas aequalis eosdem varius disjugebat affectus nec finis potuit invenisse concordes qui ab inicio vora conceperat tam diversa. Sec sicut penes regem Gratianus gratiam non invenit, sic nec penes archiepiscopum aliqua vivit in memoria Vivianus. Cum igitur tractaturi pace, se conspectui regio praesentassent apud Bajocas in Normannia, postque tractatus immensos pax esse in januis credetur ab omnibus, litteras illis direxit Willelmus Senoniensis archiepiscopus, in quibus continebatur, ne sine conscientia ipsius sicut in mandatis a domino papa susceprerant, in reconciliatione facienda procederent. Sic infectio negotio duo legati summi pontificis a regis curia recesserunt.
Conference at Montmatre, Nov 18 [1169]

In Octavis Sancti Martini habitum est colloquium inter regem Francorum et regem Angliae proxime Parisius, ubi praesens fuit archiepiscopus Cantuarensis, sed se regis Anglorum minime conspectui praesentavit. Cumque diu tractatum esset de pace facienda inter regem et archiepiscopum, quoniam ad hoc qui convenerant videbantur inniti, ne praetextu regi dignitatis libertas Ecclesiae deperiret, novo genere obligationis sic novam confoederationem involvere contendebant, ut simul et debita Deo reverentia impenderetur in omnibus. et jus regium nichilominus conservaretur illaesum; cum constet pro certo, quod in observatione regiae dignitatis libertas aut diginitas ecclesiastica non gravetur. Siquidem dignitas ecclesiastica regiam provehit potius quam adimit dignitatem, et regalis dignitas ecclesiasticam potius conservare quam tollere consuevit libertatem; etenim quasi quibusdam sibi invicem complexibus dignitas ecclesiastica et regalis concurrunti, cum nec reges salutem sine ecclesia, nec ecclesia pacem sine protectione regia consequatur consilio itaque consilio itaque regis francorum episcoporum et procerum archiepiscopus petitionem suam redactam in scedula regi Anglorum porrexit continentem haec verba:

Proposals of the archbishop to the king

» Hoc petimus a domino nostro Rege, juxta mandatum et con-
» silium domini papae, quatinus pro amore Dei et domini pарaе, et honore sanctae
» ecclesiae, et salute sua et haeredum suorum, recipiat nos in gratiam suam,
» et concedat nobis et omnibus qui nobiscum et pro nobis exierunt de regno
» suo , pacem suam et plenam securitatem de se et suis, sine malo ingenio; et
» reddat nobis ecclesiam Cantuariensem in ea plenitudine et libértate, in qua
» earn melius habuimus, postquam facti sumus Archiepiscopus; et possessiones
» omnes quas habuimus ad tenendum et habendum ita libere et quiete, et
» honorifice, sicut ecclesia et nos eas liberius et honorificentius tenuimus et
» habuimus postquam promoti sumus in Archiepiscopum; et similiter nostris; et
» omnes ecclesias et praebendas ad archiepiscopum pertinentes, quae vacave-
» runt postquam exivimus de terra, ut faciamus de eis sicut de nostris prout
» nobis placuerit, similiter habere permittat. »

A.D.1169 Henry offers to satisfy the archbishop. Failure of the negotiations

Duobus articulis plenum non praebuit assensum rex Angliae. Nec enim nomine restitutionis, cum archiepiscopum non expulerit, juxta dignitatem regni quicquam debebat exolvere, nec bonorum .vacantium possessiones quas jam dederat certis personis in irritum devocare. Sed ut legibus alligatum se principem profiteretur in medium, coram rege Francorum paratus erat archiepiscopo per omnia satisfacere, vel si contendere decrevisset, judicium in palatio Parisiensi subire proceribus Galliae residentibus, aut Gallicana ecclesia partes suas interponente, Jeu scplaribus diveriarum provinciarum arqua lance negotium examinantibus. Et ita rex Angliae, qui prius odium in se plurimorum conflaverat, in hoc verbo plurium favorem adeptus est. Itaque rex Anglorum et archiepiscopus in qualiquali concordia convenissent, nisi quia rex archiepiscopo dare signum pacis in osculo penitus abnegasset, et abjurasset, omnem aliam securitatem arbitratu boni viri paratus offerre, paratus praestare.

Many have exerted much effort many, many times in the restoration of peace between the king of England and the archbishop. At last two papal legates were sent having received an earlier letter. And that no account of preceding merits was taken, or the sins enclosed in the mother's womb,  [just as it is written], "Jacob have I loved, but Esau have I condemned", it was so God himself set the minds of Vivian and Gratian, for from the very outset of the legation one immediately enjoined with the king, the other with the archbishop with the aim of furthering the goal, and though their powers were equal the same level of affection was not separately found between them which would result in agreement, when from the start it contains and is devoured by this difference. Just as thus Gratian did not find favour with the king it was so how Vivian lives on in the memory concerning the archbishop . Thus for the peace discussions, they presented themselves before the king at Bayeux in Normandy, where after huge set of peace negotiations which were believed to be on the threshold of an agreement, when William, archbishop of Sens, sent a letter, in which was written, that when coming to a reconciliation it was not to proceed without reference to [concordance with] those instructions which they had received from the lord pope. As a result the business was left unfinished and the two legates departed from the king's court.

During the week following [8 days (an octave) beginning on] Martinmas [November 11th] talks were held between the king of France and the king of England near Paris, where the archbishop of Canterbury was present, but without in the least presenting himself in person before the king of England.
When after a long time a treaty of peace was to be drawn up between the king and the archbishop, that for this they were to come together, it seemed to depend on a new agreement being made involving a new kind of obligation for which it was contended that the king should be devoted and observe due reverance towards God,  on the otherhand the king's law should be upheld unharmed, for it was held that since it was certain, that in the observance of the king's dignity, the liberty and dignity of the church was not oppressed, since the church's dignity promotes the royal rather than detracting from that dignity, and rather the royal dignity is used to preserve that of the church's  rather than to take away its freedom. As it were, in fact they embrace each other, the ecclesiastical dignity and royal, for neither can the king have salvation without the church nor can there be peace for the church without the protection of the king, therefore the following plan resulted; upon the counsel of the king of France, the bishops and the nobles, the archbishop compiled a petition to the king of England in the form of a schedule [of demands] comprising these words:

"This we seek from our lord the King, in accordance with the command and counsel of our lord the pope, that for the love of God and the lord pope, and for the honour of holy church, both for his salvation and that of his heirs he may receive us into his grace, and that he may grant to us and all who were with us, and those who fled his kingdom for our sake, his peace and full security from him and his men, without evil intent; And that he may restore the church of Canterbury in full and freely, to at least as good as that which we held after we had been made the Archbishop; and all the church's possessions which we had and held freely and quietly, and honourably, and also unto us that we had and held quite freely and more honourably after we had been promoted to Archbishop; and likewise the same for our men; and he shall allow us to have all the churches and prebends belonging to the archbiscopacy, especially those which have lain vacant since we fled the land, in order that we may derive benefit from them accordingly as shall seem fit to us at our pleasure."

Two points did not meet with the full assent of the king of England. For neither, in the name of the restoration [of peace], as he had not expelled him [the archbishop] from the kingdom, was he bound to pay anything, nor goods, nor would he render void the possessions, which he may have already given to certain persons. However, in order to make a declaration and to meet him half way, with himself bound by the laws himself of a prince, he was ready to satisfy, in the presence of the king of France, the archbishop in everything. or if he [the archbishop] was  determined to dispute, for this to take place in the palace of justice at Paris where sat the appointed nobles of France, or for the French church to intervene, for scholars from various provinces to examine the issue to inject some kind of balance.  And thus the King of England who had previously stirred up hatred itself in the greatest number, by this word he won the favour of the majority. So the king of England and the Archbishop came together in some kind of harmony, except that the king inwardly refused and declined to give the archbishop the sign of peace with a kiss, yet in every other matter concerning security he was prepared to be a man resolved to keep his word and in good faith, and be ready to guarantee it.


Ralph de Diceto. ed. William Stubbs. Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis Opera Historica: The Historical Works of Master Ralph de Diceto, Dean of London. Reprint of Rolls Series, No. 68 (1876) Volume 1. Cambridge University Press. pp. 335-7. ISBN 978-1-108-04933-7.

See also

and translation by Giles
Roger of Wendover (1849). In Trans. J.A.Giles. Roger of Wendover's Flowers of History. Translated from the Latin by I.A.G.. Vol. 1. pp. 564–8.

Herbert of Bosham, MTB 3 440-2, 444-51

D. Douglas; G.W. Greenaway (1996). English Historical Documents: Vol 2. 1042-1189 . Routledge, Chapman & Hall, Incorporated. pp. 801-3. ISBN 9780203439517. Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, III, 449.
EHD 144. The conference at Montmartre (18 November 1169) as described by
Herbert of Bosham 

Michael Staunton (7 December 2001). "40. The Mission of Gratian and Vivian, and the Council of Montmatre (autumn 1169)"The Lives of Thomas Becket. Manchester University Press. pp. 166–72. ISBN 978-0-7190-5455-6.
John Allen Giles (1846). "Chapter XXXV: Gratian And Vivian Appointed Legates - Conference At St Denys And Montmartre - Letters"The Life and Letters of Thomas À Becket: Now First Gathered from the Contemporary Historians. Whittaker and Co. pp. 209–43.
James Craigie Robertson (1859). Becket, archbishop of Canterbury: A biography. J. Murray. pp. 222–

Martin Bouquet; Delisle (1869). Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France. Palmé. pp. 187–.

Saint Thomas (à Becket). "Letters 241a and 241b"The Correspondence of Thomas Becket: Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162-1170. Vol. 2. Oxford University Press. pp. 1032–. ISBN 978-0-19-820893-8.

Saint Thomas (à Becket). "Letter 242"The Correspondence of Thomas Becket: Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162-1170. Vol. 2. Oxford University Press. pp. 1042–. ISBN 978-0-19-820893-8.

B. Tierney (19 July 2012). Authority and Power. Cambridge University Press. pp. 68–. ISBN 978-1-107-40456-4.

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