Tuesday, 28 May 2013

Becket Window In Canterbury Cathedral


References

Paradoxplace.com.
Stained Glass of Canterbury Cathedral
http://www.paradoxplace.com/Photo%20Pages/UK/Britain_South_and_West/Canterbury_Cathedral/Canterbury_Stained_Glass/Canterbury_Stained%20Glass.htm

Therosewindow.com.
Canterbury cathedral stained glass
http://www.therosewindow.com/pilot/Canterbury/n-VII-Frame.htm


The Archaeological Journal
Volume 33 (1876) 
Notes on Early Glass in Canterbury Cathedral (pp 1-14PDF
Rev. W. J. Lome, B.A., F.S.A.
 
 

Saturday, 18 May 2013

Garnier: Council of Clarendon January 1164


Extract from
Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence) (1936). La vie de saint Thomas Becket. Librairie Honoré Champion. pp. 33-7.

Verses 185-201
Lines 921-104

185. A Clarendune sunt li baron asemblé,
E li eveske i furent en grant pleneireté.
La volt li reis ke seit, oiant els tuz, mustré
Ceo que li arceveske li aveit gréante;
Mes l'arceveske peise k'il ot tant trespassé.

185. At Clarendon were the barons assembled.
And the bishops were there in great plenitude.
The king wanted it was that in the hearing of all shown
That which the archbishop had consented to with him.
But the archbishop thought that he had gone too far.

186. Mult fu dolent el cuer k'ot fet greanteison
De custume tenir ki est contre raison;
E mielz volt vers le rei chaïr en acaison
Ke mettre seint' iglise en tel cumfusion.
Ne crient encuntre Deu manace ne prison.

186. It did much sorrow in his heart that he had made a promise
To uphold custom which was against reason;
And towards the king better wanting him to fail in cause
Which has placed Holy Church in such confusion.
Up against God, neither fears threats nor prison.

187. Quant le rei nel pot veintre, n'i ot que coreciei.
Mes les ordenez Deu manace a detrenchier;
Seint' iglise voldra, se il poet, trebuchier.
Ne s'en volt l'arceveske de rien humilier,
Pur chose dunt li reis le sace manacier.

187, When the king could not vanquish, this only enraged him
Threatening those ordained of God to cut them up into pieces
Holy church he would, if he could, knock down.
For none of this would humiliate the archbishop,
No matter what the king threatened him with.

188. Ne sai que li reis ot, e li suen, aturné,
Mes dreit a l'arceveske sunt dui eveske alé,
Li uns de Salesbire, que li reis ot en hé,
E cil de Norewiz, k'il n'ot maint ior amé.
L'arceveske Thomas unt si araisuné:

I do not know what the king had, and his own men, set up,
But right to the archbishop were two bishops gone,
The one from Salisbury, whom the king had a hate,
And he of Norwich, of who he did not have much love.
The archbishop Thomas they were to make listen to reason:

189. «Sire», funt il, «pur Deu aiez merci de vus,
«De tute seint' iglise e de clers e de nus.
«Car li ,reis est vers vus en si grant ire escus,
«Se vus ne fêtes pais ui vers lui a estrus,
«Ceo saciez que nus iermes ambedui des chiés blus».

189. «Sire», they said, «for the sake of God, have mercy on yourself,
«For the whole of Holy Church, and for the clerics and for ours,
«Because he, the king is towards you in so great an ire beset,
«If you do not make peace definitely with him for sure,
«For this, know you, that we in tears both will have our heads severed».

190. Pur ceo ne s'est de rien l'arcevesque demis
De ceo k'il ot anceis en sun curage empris.
Dune sunt a lui venu dui cunte del pais,
Li cuens de Leïrcestre, ki de sens ot grant pris,
E cil de Cornuaille, ki ert al rei amis.

For this did nothing to put the archbishop down
Of this which he had beforehand in his courage taken up.
Then were come to him two earls of the country,
The earl of Leicester, who was great given of sense,
And he of Cornwall, who was a friend of the king.

191. Dient li k'ait merci e des suens e de sei,
De seint' iglise prenge, e de ses clers, cunrei;
Car si cel jur ne fait la volenté le rei.
De lur mains lur estuet faire si grant desrei
Li reis e il en erent huni cum gent senz lei.

They said to him that he should have mercy on his own men and himself,
Of Holy Church watch over, and towards his clerics, make provision;
Because if this day the will of the king is not done,
They would by their hands do so much damage
That the king and they would be dishonoured, as if they were a people without law.

192. Aine pur si grant manace ne perdi sa vertu.
Dui frère d'ultre mer sunt dune a lui venu.
Dan Ricard de Hastinges (maistre del Temple fu)
E Hostes autresi; mult erent coneû.
En Iermes devant li se sunt aresteû.

Even for so great a threat he did not lose his strength.
Two brothers from overseas then came to him.
Sir Richard of Hastings (who was Master of the Temple)
 And Osto [of St. Omer] as well, who were well known.
And stood in front of him in tears.

193. «Sire», funt il, «pur Deu, ki unkes ne menti,
«De tute seint' iglise pur quel n'avez merci?
«Fêtes la volenté de tant le rei Henri:
«Greantez ses custumes; dune serez bon ami.
«Seint' iglise altrement e clers sunt mal bailli».

«Sire,» they said,  « for the sake of God, who never lies,
«For the whole of Holy Church for which do you not have mercy?
«Do the will of everything the King Henry:
«Agree to his customs; then be a good friend.
«Holy Church otherwise and the clergy will be badly abused».

194. Bien erent a seûr e del tut acerté,
Se il gréante al rei ceo k'il ad demandé,
Ke li reis en fera tute sa volenté,
Ne ja cuntre sun ordre n'en ert mes rien parlé.
Et celui unai's il y a eu d'abord cil;
De ceo mettent en plegge els e lur lealté.

Well would be safely and for all certainity,
If he agreed to the king that which he had demanded
which the king and would be all his will
Neither I countering his order  nor in but nothing spoke
And to him  there was at first;
Of which placing a pledge else and their loyalty.

195. Greantent li k'il seient en fin mort e damné.
Se li reis quiert vers lui engin ne falseté,
Mes k'il li face honur, oiant tut sun barné,
De ceo dunt l'a desdit; qu'or li seit gréante!
N'en volt estre vencu, ne li tort a vilté.

195. Granting him that they would be at the end dead and damned
If the king was seeking towards him deceit or falsety,
But which he would do to him [the king] honour, [if] within the hearing of all his [the king's] barons.
Of those of which he has repudiated; which he were now to agree
Neither would he be signifying defeat, nor would he be wronged by shame.

196. Or veit li arceveske k'il l'unt tant agacié;
Veit le rei e les suens forment prons en pechié,
Seint' iglise en trebuch, e lui e le clergié,
E creit ke il avra ja del rei l'amistié.
Cels veit mult renumez ki li unt conseillié.

196. Now the archbishop saw they had all pressed him
He saw the king and his own shaping prone to sin.
Holy church cast down, and he and the clergy,
And believing that he would still have the king's amity.
He saw of how much renown those who had counselled him.

197. «Seignur», fet il idunc, < vostre cunseil en crei;
«Quant vus le me locz, sa volenté otrei;.
«Dune sunt il levé sus, e il pramet al rei,
«Oiant tut sun barnage, ceo dit: en bone fei
«E lealment tendra e custumes e lei.»

197. «Seigneur», said he then, «I believe in your counsel;
«When you to me say it, his I will concede;
«Then are it lifted up, and I promise to king,
«listening to all his baronage, this said: in good faith
«And loyally keeping both customs and law.»

198. «Segnur», fet dune li reis, «bien avez tuz oï 
«Que l'arceveske m'a pramis, sue merci,
«K'il gardera les leis del tens le rei Henri. 
«Or voil ke il le face greanter altresi 
«A trestuz les eveskes ki sunt ensemble ci». 

198. «Seigneur», then said the king, «Well have you heard
«That the archbishop has promised me, under mercy,
«That he will keep the laws which were held the king Henry.
«Now I want that it is agreed similarly
«By all of the bishops who are assembled here».

199. — «Sire», fet l'arceveske, «e jeo bien le cumant».
Dune se levèrent tuit, sin furent otreiant.
Mes cil de Salesbire se dreça en estant,
Demanda l'arceveske s'il ferait altretant.
«Oïl», fet l'arceveske. — Fet il: «E jel gréant».

199. «Sire», said the archbishop, «and I well it ask».
Then all rose, without being/going give agreement.
But that of Salisbury standing up in an instant,
Demanded the archbishop if he would as much.
«Yes», said the archbishop. Said  he: «And I agree».

200. — «Tutdis», fet li reis, «m'avez contralïé.
«Segnur», fet dune li reis, «quant il m'unt otrïé
«K'il garderunt les leis ki sunt en nostre sié,
«Or seez purveii e si bien conseillié
«Ke mes n'ait plait des leis entre nus comencié.

200. «Always», said the king, «you have contradicted me.
«Seigneur[s]», then said the king, [to the bishops] «when they have given me agreement
«That they will keep the laws which are of our kingdom,
«Now with foresight and be it so well advised
«So that a [legal] dispute of the laws between us does not arise.

201. « Mes ore alez la fors, e si me recordez
«Les leis le rei Henri, e puis sis escrivez.
«Quant escrites serunt, puis les nus musterrez».
Li reis i fist aler trestuz les plus senez.
Les escriz en unt fet e al rei aportez.

201. «So go forth now, and recall for me
«The laws of  king Henry [I], and then write them down.
«When they have been written, then you will show them to us».
The king sent all of the wisest to do this.
The writing of them was done and to the king they were brought.

202. Dune lu lit li escriz, oiant tut le tropel,
«Seignur», îet dune li reis, «n'ai soin de plet novel.
«Or voil que l'arceveske i pende sun seel».
L'arceveske respunt: «Fei que dei Deu le bel,
«Ceo n'iert, tant cume l'anme me bat' en cest vessel».

202. Then were read to them the writings, listening were all who were gathered.
«Seigneurs», said the king to them, «I have no need of a new dispute.
«Now I want the archbishop to append his seal to them».
The archbishop responded: «By the faith that I give to God the glorious,
«This I will not do, not whilst my soul beats within this body».

203. Car cil ki li aveient icest conseil loé,
E li privé le rei, l'orent aseûré,
Se le rei en avreit de parole honuré,
E veant sun barnage li oust gréante,
Ne sereit a nul tens escrit ne recordé;

203. Because those who had commended this advice to him,
And they in the privy of the king, had assured him,
That if the king of it would have his word of honour,
And in the presence of his barons they heard agreed,
Neither would it at any time be written nor recorded;

204. E li reis en fereit tute sa volenté,
E tuz curuz sereient entr'els dous parduné.
Or ri ourent del tut de covenant falsé.
Or n'en fera mes plus; trop a avant aie,
E pesot li que tant en aveit trespassé.

204. And the king would do all he [the archbishop] wanted,
And all anger would be between the two of them pardoned.
Then they all had made a false promise to him.
Now he would do no more; too much had gone before,
And he considered that he had gone too far.

205. Dune se sunt li real altrement conseillié.
Un cyrogrefe unt fet e en dous detrenchié.
A l'arceveske en unt baillie la meitié;
Mes il l'a receû sur defens del clergié.
«Seignurs», fet il, «par ceo savrom lur malveistié.

205. Then those of the royal party a different way advised.
A chirograph was made and cut into two pieces.
To the archbishop one half was handed over;
But he had received it in defence of the clergy.
«Seigneurs», he said, «by this we know their wickedness.

206. «Or veum bien le laz dunt nus devum guaitier;
«Seint' iglise quiderent en cel laz trebuchier».
Dune s'en ala li ber; n'i ot que corucier
De ceo qu'ot gréante cel malice plenier
E l'amistié le rei ne poeit purchacier.

206. «Now well we see the snare against which we must now beware;
«Holy Church, they think, will fall into this snare».
Then the good man went away; he had only been made angry
By how he had agreed to this evil plot
And [still] could not gain the friendship of the king.

207. Pur ceo k"il ot erré einsi, se suspendié;
Ne chanta, tresq'il l'ot l'apostoile nuntié.
Bien vit pur quei l'ot fet, si l'en a deslïé:
Pur délivrer l'ot fet le rei e le clergié,
L'un, de mort e de mal, e l'autre, de pechié.

For this which he had erred thus, he suspended himself;
Neither sang [mass], until he the pope had announced
Well seen pure that which he had done, so he of it absolved:
For deliver he had done the king and the clergy,
The one, of death of wrong, and the other, of committing sin.

208. Mes l'eveske d'Evrous (Rotrot l'oï numer)
Vint dune a Porecestre pur els dous acorder.
Li reis dist que tuzdis em purreit mes parler.
Se il ne poeit tant vers l'apostoile ovrer
K'en sun seel volsist les leis enseeler.

But the bishop of Evreux (Rotrou I have heard him named)
Went then to Porchester to bring these two to accord.
The king said that forever he could but speak of it.
If he [Thomas] could not from the pope manage to obtain
Consent that by his [Thomas'] seal the laws could be ensealed.

209. Par l'eveske Rotrot, ki mult le conseilla,
Ses briefs a l'apostoile li bon prestre enveia;
Ke il comfermt les leis le rei li depreia,
Et pendist sun seel. Mes il le refusa:
Bien sot que par destrece la requeste fet a.

By the bishop Rotrou, who much advised him,
His letters to the pope, the good priest were sent;
In which he begged him [the Pope] to confirm the king's laws 
And [allow him] to append his seal. But he [the Pope] refused it:
Well knowing that it was under duress the request had been made.


See

Garnier de Pont Sainte Maxence (1859). La vie de saint Thomas le martyr, publ. par C. Hippeau. pp. 36–.

Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence); Janet Shirley (1975). Garnier's Becket: translated from the 12th-century Vie saint Thomas le martyr de Cantorbire of Garnier of Pont-Sainte-Maxence. Phillimore. pp. 26–. ISBN 978-0-85033-200-1.

Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence); Jean-Guy Gouttebroze; Ambroise Queffélec (1990). La vie de saint Thomas Becket. Libr. H. Champion. pp. 34–. ISBN 978-2-85203-111-1.

Jacques T. E. Thomas (1 December 2002). Guernes De Pont-sainte-maxence, La Vie De Saint Thomas De Canterbury. Peeters. pp. 80–. ISBN 978-90-429-1188-8



See Also



Rotrou, bishop of Evreux
Richard de Hastings 
Charles Greenstreet Addison (1852). The Knights Templars. Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. pp. 64–.

Hoston de St-Omer [
[Aka Osto de Saint-Omer, Toston de St. Omer]
Société des antiquaires de la Morinie (1841). Mémoires de la Société des antiquaires de la Morinie. pp. 98–.
Robin Griffith-Jones; David Park (2010). The Temple Church in London: History, Architecture, Art. Boydell & Brewer. pp. 24–. ISBN 978-1-84383-498-4.


Jocelyn de Bohun, bishop of Salisbury

William de Turbeville, bishop of Norwich


Robert 'Bossu' de Beaumont, earl of Leicester (1104-1168)


Reginald de Dunstanville, earl of Cornwall

Thursday, 16 May 2013

William Fitzstephen on Council of Clarendon


Extract from


De concilio apud Clarendone habito. 

[35.] Itaque rex, conceptis pridem aliquibus adversus clerum communiter, et nunc adversus Thomam archiepiscopum personaliter, crescentibusque de die in diem stimulatione inimica, simultatibus, statuit de regalibus suis dignitatibus tractare. Convocatur generale concilium, et congregatur apud Clarendoniam. Rex proponit et scribit dignitates et consuetudines, quas avitas et in regno Angliae esse debere dixit. Robertus archidiaconus Oxenfordensis, qui et postea episcopus Herefordensis, et Jordanus archidiaconus Cicestriae, domestici clerici domus archiepiscopi, et quidam alii, intellecta domini regis ira, quae adversus eum graviter concepta quotidianis augebatur incrementis, accepta licentia discesserant ab eo. Rex etiam statim a principio, ex quo iram adversus eum altius conceperat, procuravit longius ab eo amovere duos probos et honestos clericos nutritos ab adolescentia de bonis ipsius archiepiscopi, quorum unus erat thesaurarius Eboracensis, et alter canonicus Sarumet uterque Johannes dictus erat: ne in opportunitatibus suis arcbiepiscopus illorum consilio vel auxilio uteretur. Alterumque eligi et ordinari episcopum Pictavensem; alterum vero exulare jussit. Sed et episcopum Herefordiensem Gilbertum propius ascitum obtinuit a domino papa transferri in Londoniensem episcopum, sicut putabatur, ut ejus contra archiepiscopum uteretur consilio.

Consuetudinum illarum plura capitula erant de libertatis ecclesiasticse conculcatione, de cleri omnimoda oppressione: ut clericus accusatus de furto, vel rapina, vel hujusmodi, primo veniat in curiam rcgis. Item, ut pro quantocunque crimine non excommunicetur comes, vel baro, vel officialis regis, rege inconsulto. Item ne appellationes fierent ad dominum papam, nisi post litem auditam in foro ecclesiastico coram decano, archidiacono, episcopo, archiepiscopo, et tandem in curia regis. Ne ad dominum papam iter arriperent episcopi, vel alii clerici vocati ab eo, vel appellati, vel appellantes ad eum, nisi per licentiam regis. Ne omnis controversia de fidei vel sacramenti transgressione sit in foro ecclesiastico; sed tantum de fide adacta, pro nuptiis, vel dote, vel hujusmodi, quae non debent fieri nisi in facie ecclesiae. De aliter dato fidei sacramento, ut de debitis, vel sic, statuit rex causam esse in foro laico. Item ut episcopi assint omnibus secularibus judiciis regis, praeterquam judicio sanguinis, et aliis in hunc modum, quae palam cum sacris canonum constitutionibus dissonantiam resonabant. Sed scriptae nunquam prius fuerant, nec etiam omnino fuerant in regno Anglise hae cousuetudines. Et etiam si fuissent, ne de antiquitate et usu potius quam de jure niteretur, rex, in illis spuriis statutis firmandis, attendere debuisset: quia Domiuus dicit, leges meas custodite. Item illud, Vae qui condunt leges iniquas. Item nusquam invenitur Dominum dixisse, ego sum consuetudo; sed dixit, ego sum veritas. Item consuetudinis ususve longaevi non tanta est auctoritas; ut aut rationem, ut ait imperator paganus, vincat aut legem. Immo, revelatione facta aequitatis et vcritatis, cedat usus rationi; ut in dccretis scripserunt sancti patres: quorum ergo contra rationem et ecclesiasticam libertatem statuit et scripsit rex Christianus. Sed archiepiscopus Thomas, integer vitae scelerisque purus, alias non poterat attemptari. Immo exquisitissimo dolo et arte maligna hoc ei procuratum est, ut vel has traditiones corroborans incideret in manus Dei, vel respuens incideret in manus regis: et condemnaretur turbator regiae majestatis, inimicus coronse, et occideretur. Dicebaturque hoc commentum fuisse Rogeri archiepiscopi Eboracensis, et Gilberti Londoniensis, et Johannis episcopi Sarum. Nam et postmodum super hoc a domino papa severissime redarguti, se purgaverunt in facie hominum, praestitis sacramentis. Hilario tamen prius obito, 

[36.] Exquirit rex assensum cleri, in his statutis firmandis. Proponitur tandem archiepiscopo, et contradicentibus episcopis discrimen a regis interpretibus, tanquam regi coronam regni auferre velit, si haec decreta confirmare contradixerit. Archiepiscopus annitentibus episcopis diu restitit, diu contradixit. Tandem ultimi nuntii regis venerunt, lacrymosis verbis expresse ei seorsim tracto significantes, quid futurum erat, si non adquiesceret. Timore mortis, et ut rcgem mitigaret, adquievit ad tempus, assensu et in verbo veritatis stipulatione, et sigillorum suorum impressione. Archiepiscopus, et ille Eboracensis, et omnes episcopi, statuta illa firmaverunt servanda regi legitime, sine dolo malo, et in bona fide. Rex eadem postea decreta transmisit domino papae confirmanda; quoe ipse lecta et intellecta reprobavit, expavit, damnavit.

[37.] Archiepiscopus Dei electus, post casum fortior erectus, spiritum resumpsit, poenituit, et se ipsum austerioribus alimentis et indumentis gravius coepit affligere, et se ab officio altaris suspendit, donec per confessionem et condignos poenitentiae fructus a Romano pontifice absolutus, meruit relaxari. Vere poenituit, quia, quantumcunque in eo erat, errata revocare et corrigere parat: coepiscopis revocare concessa vel nolentibus, vel regis timore, qui incubuit super eos, non audentibus. Ad familiare regis domicilium, lapideo muro circumseptam indaginem de Wodestoke, ubi audierat esse regem, iter agit archiepiscopus, aliquid ei locuturus; sed a janua repulsus redit Cantuariam. In maritima apud Rumeneye, villam suam, archiepiscopus recedere deliberans, ut regis iram ad tempus declinaret, bis attentavit mare; sed ventum vel nullum habuit vel contrarium. Quod auditum, regis iram maxime inflammavit.


So the king, finding fault  for a long time, in general, with some of the clergy, and now against archbishop Thomas personally, and with quarrels growing day by day, with an increasing hostility, decided to draw upon his royal privileges. He summoned a general council, which assembled at Clarendon. The king proposed to them, and set down in writing, a list of privileges and customs, which he declared to be ancestral in the kingdom of England and which ought to be enforced. Robert, archdeacon of Oxford, who later became bishop of Hereford, and Jordan, archdeacon of Chichester, domestic clerics in the archbishop's household, and a few others, earnestly reasoning that the king's anger was developing and increasing against the archbishop day by day, received his  permission to leave.  The king also, right from the very start of his ever deepening anger that he had conceived towards the archbishop, caused to be removed from him two upright and honest clerics who had been fostered by the archbishop since their youth from the archbishop's own resources, one of whom was the treasurer of York, and the other, a canon of Salisbury, both were called John: let not the archbishop have use of their help or counsel:  one he arranged to become elected and ordained bishop of Poitiers; the other truly he ordered to be sent into exile. It was supposed that he [the king] planned for Gilbert, bishop of Hereford, to be closer to himself, by obtaining assent from our lord the pope for his translation to the episcopacy of London, in order that he might make full use of his counsel against the archbishop.

Amongst many of those customs were several articles which trampled over ecclesiastical freedoms, oppressing the clergy in all manner of ways: like a clerk accused of theft, or robbery, or the like, who must first appear in the king's court. Likewise, an earl, or a baron, or an official of the king, for no matter how great a sin, may not excommunicated without consulting the king.  Also, no appeals are to be made to our lord the pope until after the cases have been heard in the ecclesiastical court before the dean, the archdeacon, the bishop, the archbishop, and finally the king's court. No journeys to our lord the pope may be made by bishops, or others of the clergy, who may have been summoned by him, or called to him, or are appealing to him, except by the consent of the king. Not every lawsuit concerning faith [oaths] or the transgression of a sacrament [breaking of oaths] is to be heard in an ecclesiastical court; but only those which concern faith, but not marriages, dowries, or similar, which should not take place in an ecclesiastical court. Concerning these other, where a sacramental promise on oath has been given, that those concerning debts, or such, the king should decide such cases in a lay court. Also, that the bishops are to be present at all secular judgments made by the king, except where a judgment of blood is involved, and others in like manner, which plainly resound dissonantly with the sacred canons. 

But never before have these customs ever been written down, not even at all in the kingdom of England. And even if they had been, not mentioning the prestige of antiquity of their use or any preference to their legal right, the king, when establishing those spurious statutes, ought to have paid attention to them: because the Lord says, <<Ye shall keep my laws.>>  [Leviticus 19:19].  Similarly, the text, <<Woe unto them that make wicked laws.>>[Isaiah 10:1]  Also, nowhere do we find the Lord saying that, <<I am a custom.>>, but says instead. <<I am the Truth.>>[John 14:6] Also, the use of an ancient custom for which the authority is not so great; or for that reason which a pagan emperor can say <<Either I can win or take by law.>> [Codex 8.52(53).2 (Imperator Constantinus)] Indeed, the revelation that equity and truth yield to the use of reason, as is written in the decrees of the holy fathers [Gratian, Decr. Pars I. Dis. viii. cc 3-9]; which is consequently therefore against the reason, and liberty of the church and thus wrote the Christian king.  But archbishop Thomas, wholesome in life and clear of villainy; was not otherwise able to be assailed. Indeed, it was by the most exquisite deception and malign art that he was manipulated, that either by supporting these traditions he put himself in the hands of God, or by rejecting he fell into the hands of the king, that as a disrupter of the king's majesty, he would be condemned, and as an enemy of Crown, be slain. And this was said to have been the fabrication of Roger, archbishop of York, and of Gilbert, bishop of London, and Hilary, bishop of Chichester, and of John, the bishop of Salisbury. In fact, after a while, they was most severely.reprimanded by the pope, and they purged themselves in the presence of the people, having sworn oaths. Hilary [bishop of Chichester], however, died before this, 

The king demanded the assent of the clergy in the confirmation of these statutes. It was suggested at length to the archbishop and contradicted by the bishops the difference to the king by interpreters, that he might be seen as wishing to take away the crown of the kingdom from the king, as it were, if when confirming these decrees, he contradicted. The archbishop resisted the assistance of the bishops, and for a long time opposed. At last the final messengers of the king came, and in tearful words expressed to him outlining separately the matters of significance, of what the future held, if he did not acquiesce. Out of fear of death, and so that he might appease the king, he acquiesced at the time, and on stipulation gave assent on oath, and by the impression of their seals. The Archbishop [of Canterbury], and he of York, and all the bishops, confirmed that those ordinances which the king had lawfully established, and they were to be observed honestly and without evil intent, and in good faith. The king later sent these decrees to the lord pope for confirmation; which he himself read and understood and rejected: and those he was afraid of he condemned.

The Archbishop, elect of God, having fallen [from grace], picked himself up more strongly. He took up the spirit again and repented, and began to afflict himself with more austere foods and heavier clothing, and refrained from performing office at the altar, until he was absolved by the Roman pontiff, through confession and by the worthy fruits of repentance, and deserved to be released. In truth penitent,  because,  no matter how much there was in it, he was prepared to revoke and correct his sins: his fellow bishops did not dare to revoke what they had conceded, either because they did not want to, or out of fear of the king, who had leaned heavily upon them. He journeyed to the king's family dwelling at Woodstock, which has a stone wall surrounding its hunting grounds, where he had heard that the king was. He wanted to speak to him,  but was repulsed at the gate, and returned to Canterbury. The Archbishop withdrew to his manor by the sea coast at Romney to deliberate, and to avoid the king's wrath for a time. He twice attempted a sea crossing, but either there was no wind, or it was contrary, which, when the king heard about this, inflamed his greatest anger. 

References

James Craigie Robertson (15 November 2012). Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury (Canonized by Pope Alexander III, AD 1173). Cambridge University Press. pp. 46–. ISBN 978-1-108-04927-6.


of Canterbury William; Benedict (Abbot of Peterborough); John (of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres); of Tewkesbury Alan, Edward Grim, William Fitzstephen, of Bosham Herbert (1877).Materials for the history of Thomas Becket: Vita Sancti Thomæ, Cantuariensis archiepiscopi et martyris, auctore Willelmo filio Stephani. Vita Sancti Thomæ, archiepiscopi et martyris, auctore Herberto de Boseham. Longman.  p. 49

Materials for the history of Thomas Becket: Vita Sancti Thomæ, Cantuariensis archiepiscopi et martyris, auctore Willelmo filio Stephani. Vita Sancti Thomæ, archiepiscopi et martyris, auctore Herberto de Boseham
Volume 3 of Materials for the history of Thomas Becket: archbishop of CanterburyJames Craigie Robertson

Roger of Hoveden (1853). H.T. Riley, ed. The Annals of Roger de Hoveden: Comprising The History of England and of Other Countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1201. H.G. Bohn. pp. 260–.


John Lingard on the Council of Clarendon

Matthew Paris
D. Wilins (1715) Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae p. 435
 https://archive.org/stream/conciliamagnaebr01wilk#page/435/mode/1up

Richard Barber (2003). Henry Plantagenet. The Chronology of the Council of Clarendon: Boydell Press. pp. 243–. ISBN 978-0-85115-993-5.


"It is by no means by accident that th old statement, formulated by Tertullian and then used by Cyprian and Augustine, that Christ had not said: I am custom, but that he had said, I am the truth, was now taken up again." [by pope Gregory VII].
 
Gallica
Materials for the history of Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury, canonized by pope Alexander III, A. D. 1173. Vol. 3 / ed. by James Craigie Robertson.






Tuesday, 14 May 2013

Empress Mathilda's Opinion of The Constitutions

Around about Christmas time in 1164, John of Oxford had, on his way back to England from the Papal Curia, at the time in Sens, where he had been on King Henry's business concerning Becket, passed by way of the Empress Mathilda, king Henry's mother, who held court at Le Pré near Rouen. There he tried to darken Becket's reputation before her. He had argued that Becket had done everything out of conceit. He claimed that the Liberty of the Church [Becket's central cause] was being used by the Bishops, not for the benefit of their flocks, but rather to fill their coffers, as in England accused persons when brought before and prosecuted in the Bishops' courts, were not punished by being forced to repent their deeds but were rather given fines to pay. He claimed that God cannot be on Becket's side, as since he had become archbishop, he had surrounded himself not with those of a humble religious nature, but rather with the intellectual sons of nobility. He asserted, that in dispensing benefices, Becket had looked to his own interests rather than to God’s, promoting persons of a notorious character. John of Oxford said that Becket's flight into exile had nothing to do with the Constitutions of Clarendon, but had arisen out of a money dispute between Becket and the King.

Pope Alexander III had also previously asked her to attempt to intercede between her son and Becket.

Defending Becket at the Empress Mathilda's court on this occasion  was Brother Nicholas, Prior of the abbey of Mont St Jacques Rouen.

The Empress said that she had not been privy to the king's business concerning the Church. She asked for the Constitutions of Clarendon to be read out to her in Latin and then that each of its chapters should be explained to her in French. She approved of some of the clauses, for example the clause about not excommunicating the king's justices and servants without the king's permission. But she disapproved of many of the clauses. She particularly disapproved that they had been set down in writing. The bishops had not been required to give their approval to such laws in this manner before.

She defended her son skillfully excusing his zeal for justice and saying that it was the Bishops who were wicked. She identified the cause of the dispute as particularly arising from Bishops who had indiscriminately and recklessly ordained many persons without having first appointing them to a benefice or presenting them with a living, and who were, in consequence, poor, and who out of poverty were ready to commit crimes. Such persons were not afraid of losing their benefice, if they had none to lose. Nor would they fear punishment in the king's court as the Church protects such persons, Nor were they worried that they might be sent to the Bishop's prison, as which Bishop would want to bear the expense of keeping them locked up? Indeed, in contrast sometimes a single cleric can have the benefit from as many as four, or up to even seven prebends [benefices], yet Canon Law supposedly prohibits the holding of even two. The case of Richard of Ilchester was a clear example of the latter. It immediately occurs to one just how many disputes concerning presentation have arisen from these bad practices.

Nicholas urged Becket for the sake of God and the Liberty of the Church hurriedly to prepare a letter to the Empress which he would deliver, expressing in it just how much he shared her opinion, no matter distasteful to him this might be. 


This line of diplomacy did not succeed. Empress Mathilda told Becket that in order to recover the king's grace he would have to show the greatest humility and the most conspicuous moderation.

Extract from



EPISTOLA CCCXLIV.
Nicolai De Monte Rotomagensi ad Thomam Cantuariensem.
Thomae Cantuariensi archi-episcopo frater Nicolaus de monte Rothomagensi.
...
Reversi ad dominam imperatricem, quae injunxistis, ex ordine cuncta narravimus iterato. Consuetudines regis verbo narravimus, quia magister Herbertus perdiderat schedulam. Hoc etiam adjunximus, quod consuetudinum quaedam contra fidem Jesu Christi, aliae fere omnes essent contra libertatem ecclesia). Propter quod timendum erat ei et filio suo de aeterno periculo, et etiam temporali. Tunc vero praecepit nobis mittere ad vos propter consuetudines illas. Volente Deo, ea ipsa die reperta est schedula, et die sequenti, omnibus ejectis a thalamo a conspectu suo, praecepit nobis eas Latine legere, et exponere Gallice. Mulier de genere tyrannorum est, et quasdam approbabat. Sicut est illud de non excommunicandis justitiis et ministris regis sine licentia ejus. Ego tamen alia exponere nolebam, nisi de hoc prius disceptarem, ostendens evangelicum praeceptum, quo dicitur ad Petrum: Dic ecclesice, Sfc. Non: Dic regi. Et alia multa. Quam plurima capitulorum improbavit. Et hoc modis omnibus ei displicuit, quod in scripturam redacta essent: sive quod episcopi coacti forent, ut aliquam promissionem facerent de ipsis custodiendis. Hoc enim a prioribus factum non est. Post multa igitur verba cum ab ea vehementer inquirerem, quae posset esse prima pacis occasio, hanc ei indicavimus, et assensit: si forte fieri posset, ut dominus rex mitteret se in consilium matris suae, et aliarum rationabilium personarum, quae taliter rem moderarentur, ut cessante promissione et scriptura antiquae regni consuetudines observarentur, adhibito tali moderamine, ut nec per judices saeculares libertas ecclesiae tolleretur, nec ita episcopi abuterentur ecclesiastica libertate. Scitote, quod domina imperatrix in defensione filii sui versuta est, eum excusans tum per zelum justitiae, tum per malitiam episcoporum; tum in deprehendenda origine conturbationis ecclesiae rationabilis et discreta. Dicit enim quaedam in quibus ejus sensum et laudavimus et adjuvimus. Episcopi clericos indiscrete ordinant, qui nullis ecclesiis titulantur. Ex quo fit, ut ordinatorum multitudo paupertate et otio ad turpia facta prolabatur. Non enim timet perdere ecclesiam, qui nulli titulatus est. Non timet pcenam, quia illum ecclesia defensabit. Non timet episcopi carcerem, qui mavult impunitum transire conversum, quam pascendi vel custodiendi sollicitudinem adhibere. De ordinatione illius, qui ecclesiae non titulatur, quod irrita sit ad injuriam illius qui eam fecit, testatur synodus Chalcedonensis, una de quatuor, quas Gregorius sicut quatuor evangelii libros tota devotione complectitur. Hoc et alii plures canones. Item uni clericulo quatuor aut septem ecclesiae tribuuntur aut praebendae, cum sacri canones ubique manifeste prohibeant, ne clericus in duabus ecclesiis connumeretur. Hujus iterum pravae consuetudinis occasione quantae de dationibus et praesentationibus ecclesiarum controversiae uascantur, attendite. Super hac re locuta est domina imperatrix occasione Ricardi de Ivelcestre. Verum taceant episcopi, qui hoc faciunt suis parentibus, quod laici sibi servientibus. Item quod multas pecunias suscipiant episcopi propter peccata apud eos excusatorum, satis canonibus non consentit. Quia licet pcena sacrilegii sit pecuniaria, non tamen semper erit: sed quibuscumque personis ad quas sacrilegii querimonia pertinet, juste persolvitur. Quia ergo ex his et similibus nascitur ecclesiastica perturbatio, mirandum valde est, cur securis episcopalis judicii non ad radicem arboris, sed ad ramusculos adhibeatur. Divina siquidem dispensatione actum est, ut ex tali radice fructus amaritudinis publice nasceretur. Quapropter libertatem ecclesiae propter Deum diligitis: quod praedicta vobis displiceant, verbis et factis ostendite. Et si literas ad dominam imperatricem miseritis, id ipsum ex aliqua parte significate. In verbo veritatis vobis dicimus, quod amore rectitudinis et salutis animae nostrae, quae praedicta sunt, scripsimus. Si quae insipienter dicta sunt, date veniam. Et sint occulta quae diximus. Festinantius ad vos mittere non potuimus. Siquidem eo tempore, quo consuetudines coram domina imperatrice legimus, cum omni festinantia literas istas praeparavimus, vobis mittendas. Nunc rogamus attentius, ut literas vestras nobis dirigatis, statum vestrum et propositum continentes. Quidquid injunxeritis, fideliter exequemur. Iterato veniam postulamus, et de prolixitate, et de audacia.
...

Extract from

...

Unfortunately, he [prior Nicholas] was preceded at Rouen by the enemies of the archbishop, with John Oxford at their head, who beguiled Empress Mathilda's spirit and warned her against Thomas by their malicious misrepresentations. When listening to them, the prelate only took advice for his pride and ambition, and when defending the liberties of the Church, it was to enlarge its treasures, not to save souls . God could not be with him because from the very start of his episcopacy, he dismissed the godly surrounding himself with noble scholars; he distributed benefits to men of notorious infamy, to make them his creatures. At the bottom of it all, the articles concerning customs mattered little to him , but he would not have deserted his See, if his greed had not feared for his prey. Embittered by the treacherous speech, Mathilde saw Thomas as nothing but a greedy and ambitious prelate, who wanted the same throne as her son , and his friends as accomplices in his rebellion.

Three days after the departure of slanderers, Nicolas appeared before her. This haughty princess, whom a historian has described as the greatest women (maximum mulierum), but whom has retained all the pride of her [former] imperial position and as a daughter of the Conqueror, gave a severe reception to the Prior of the Mont-aux-Malades. Conceited words, bitter reproaches about his journey from Sens, an absolute refusal to hear excuses and receive the letters he was carrying [from the archbishop], were all he gained at his first hearing. A second attempt also failed completely. However, the faithful ventured the prior to return for a third time with his mission. Mathilda, touched by his perseverance, and gradually appeased, finally consented to receive the letter from the archbishop, but not in presence of witnesses and unseen from her clerics, as she feared the wrath of the king. She ordered Nicolas to read it to her.

In this message, Thomas complained about how the princess had spoken hostile words  against him, especially those she said in public, and about letters she had written to the king contrary to the cause of the church. Mathilda denied all these facts; she was even sure that her son was concealing his thoughts, because he knew less devoted to her pleasure and freedom of the church, then she added:

"I sent him one of my clerics to learn about his plans regarding the status of churches and the person of the Archbishop of Canterbury. When I learn if I can expect any fruit from my intercession, I will use my skills to re-establish the peace."

Very pleased to have received this promise, Nicolas took his leave of the Empress , and rushed to Nonant manor near Bayeux, where Arnulf [bishop] of Lisieux lived. The latter prelate received him with open arms, and readily agreed to the secret letter of  Thomas, and seemed to try hard all his envoy added that in its favour, has,

"It is true, he said, I am ranked among his opponents (at Sens in front of the Pope), but principally only because in secret, I was working for his interests. I highly recommended him and his cause to the sovereign pontiff. We asked the pope's approval for the customs, but only those which we knew repeal for which was impossible. If the king communicated to me his plans, it was because I had asked him  for the freedom of the church and her good graces for the Archbishop, because I'm so sensitive to his misfortunes  if I suffer for myself or for my own. No debt to the church binds me in Normandy, I would sooner share his exile."

Arnulf promised again to send an express message to England to sound out the opinion of the court and to inform Thomas by letter, and pointed out a few ways that might hasten the conclusion towards peace. But it is well known that his actions were never responded to in a delicate language. So long as there was war between the church and the kingdom, Henry II  never consulted him ever again..

From Nonant, Nicolas returned immediately to the Empress, and began without delay to deal with the delicate matters concerning the customs. But unfortunately the copy of which had got lost. But he delivered from memory a schedule of those fateful items which placed the church at the mercy of the prince to the strife of the kingdom. Nicolas explained to Mathilda that they were mostly contrary to the faith and the freedom of the church, "that is why," he said, "that you and your son the king are threatened with the wrath of God in this world, and eternal torment in the next."

Rattled by a language so resolute, the princess, finally was able to decide for herself. She wanted Nicolas to dispatch an express message to Burgundy to get from Thomas a copy of Customs. Luckily they were found, and on the next day, alone with the Empress in a private chamber, he read her the Latin text then explained them in French. But, as he himself says, this woman, descends from a race of tyrants. She highly approved of several of the articles, and especially that which forbade bishops to denounce [excommunicate] the king's ministers, without his permission.

In an effort to show her the errors of her ways, Nicholas invoked many passages of scriptures, and emphasised this: "If your brother sins, go represent him his fault, in particular, if you are not heard, take with you one or two persons; and if they are not heard then tell it to the church, and if you were not heard by the church, let them be to you as a heathen and a publican". "Tell the church," repeated the prior, " but no, tell the King."

[Matt:18:15-20]
Bible Gateway. 1951. 
Bible Gateway passage: Matthew chapter 18


Defeated on this one point, Mathilda immediately cut to another, and to the admission of her opponent, deployed in defence of her son a skill and penetration far superior than is usually shown by her sex. The discussion was on the sixteenth article, among others, which forbade bishops to ordain peasant children without the permission of their masters. This furnished the occasion for an easy triumph. In justification of this law the Pope himself had tolerated it. It raised itself as a constraint against those bishops who ordained a multitude of jobless clergy. From there, idleness, vagrancy, anguish and soon crimes committed by these ecclesiastics. Could they be made to fear the king's justice? The Church covered itself against its attacks. The loss of their church? They do not know how to clean it. Episcopal prisons? the bishops left unpunished sins to save themselves the trouble of keeping and feeding prisoners. And that did not  include the matter mentioned by the princess about some of the monetary fines which are appropriated by some prelates contrary to the dictates of the Canon Law.  And on the innumerable lawsuits raised by pretenders to benefits. And on the number of churches given away to the number of five or six, to underage clerics. They are silent these bishops who distribute stipends to their nephews, as secular lords give land to their vassals. Nicolas admitted that by doing so, the canons of the Council of Chalcedon haad been violated, one of the four, he said, that St. Gregory had revered as being equal to the four Gospels

Concerning the remainder, the victory was the prior's on almost all the points, and he extracted from Matilda an almost universal condemnation of the Customs. She especially blamed her son for having compiled the laws and forced the bishops to swear adherence, a process unknown to antiquity. It remained to restore the agreement between the king and the archbishop on these delicate matters, and that is what Nicolas urged the princess. As she hesitated on the means, he proposed a compromise on the following basis:

1 King to accept the mediation of his mother, and some other illustrious people;

2 The Customs shall cease to be written down as laws, and the bishops restricted to giving their oath;

3 However they will be observed, but that secular judges shall give them an unlimited extension, and without bishops abusing the freedom of the Church.

Mathilde approved the wise moderation which Nicolas wished to lay quarrel to rest, in managing at the same time both the rights of the Church and the emotional sensitivity of a shady monarch. But the project was not followed up. The will of Henry II was too lofty, his resentments too violent and he had to extinguish them with blood.

Travel, Nicholas' negotiations, conferences with Matilda, lasted until the end of December (1164). Towards the feast of the Epiphany, he rendered an account to the archbishop, who was confined by the pope in the abbey of Pontigny.

...

References

Saint Thomas (à Becket) (2000). "Letter 41: Nicholaus of Mont-Rouen to Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury"The Correspondence of Thomas Becket: Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162-1170. Volume 1. Oxford University Press. pp. 158–69. ISBN 978-0-19-820892-1.


James Craigie Robertson. Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury (Canonized by Pope Alexander III, AD 1173). Cambridge University Press. pp. 184–. ISBN 978-1-108-04929-0.


James Craigie Robertson (1859). Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury. pp. 153–5


Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. pp. 131–6.
[This is a translation into English of the letter]


Archive.org.
S. Thomas of Canterbury. pp 103-6
William Holden Hutton (1899)


Harkin, Daniel V., "An Annotated Translation of the Correspondence of John of Salisbury: Letters 136-175" (1946). Master's Theses.
Paper 202.
p. 6  Letter 136: John of Salisbury to Archbishop Thomas Becket
p. 25 Letter 140: John of Salisbury to Bishop Henry of Bayeux
p. 56 Letter 144: John of Salisbury to Archbishop Thomas Becket
p. 61 Letter 145: John of Salisbury to Archbishop Thomas Becket

In 1166
p. 90 Letter 155: Archbishop Thomas Becket to Nicholas, Guest Master of Mount St. Jacques 
...

Under these circumstances, you may be certain, and may intimate to my lady Empress, that shortly -- nay, forthwith--as I live and God is my strength, I shall unsheathe against the person and domains of the king the sword of the Holy Ghost, more piercing than any two-edged sword, to overthrow stubborn flesh and save a spirit swooning and all but quenched. Persuade my lady, then, to hold me excused for the future in a matter which I may no longer disguise; let her be sure that, if her son comes again to life, hears the voice or God and accepts his mother's counsel, he will find me prompt for God's honor and his own wishes. Meanwhile, as God is my witness, I mourn her dying son with as much grief as I hopefully long and pray for his honor and salvation. I say this in sorrow, weeping, groaning, and sighing as though applying a fiery cautery to my own bowels, cut by keen steel from the bosom that housed them. God Himself knows this, and it is not right that I any longer practice an impious piety to His own injury by preferring to Him my earthly mother, father, sister, or even sovereign.l2 "There is no sorrow like to this sorrow, but "the charity of God," and the advantage and honor or Him Whom I serve, "presseth us" to endure this courageously. Farewell. Remember me to my brothers, and urge them to pray for me, that I may receive "the spirit of counsel and our forti tude"; and to pray for my lord king, that he may have "the spirit of knowledge and for godliness," so that he may make his peace with the church ot· God and with me ln the Lord.
...

Kuszynski, Casimir F., "Translations of Letters One-Hundred Seventy-Six to Two-Hundred Six of John of Salisbury" (1943). Master's
Theses. Paper 642.
p. 45 Letter 179: John of Salisbury to Becket
p. 58 Letter 180: John of Salisbury to Becket  

p. 136 Letter 196: John of Salisbury to Nicholas, Guest Master of Mount St. Jacques, Rouen

See also Becket Correspodence


and
Materials for the history of Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury, canonized by pope Alexander III, A. D. 1173. Vol. 5 & 6

p. 159- CTB 41 Nicholas Prior of Mount St Jacques, Rouen to Becket, Christmas Season 1164  - MTB 76
p. 211- CTB 49 Empress Mathilda to Becket, July-Aug 1165 - MTB 275
p. 383- CTB 94 Nicholas of Mount St Jacques, Rouen to Becket, before 6th July 1166 - MTB 209
p. 469 - CTB 101 John of Salisbury to Becket , 14th July - before 1st Aug 1166 - MTB 217
p. 549- CTB 113 Nicholas of Mount St Jacques, Rouen to Becket - MTB 254
p. 623- CTB 132 Nicholas of Mount St Jacques, Rouen to Becket, August 1167 - MTB 284
p. 155- CTB 40 Becket to Empress Mathilda, December 1164   - MTB 75
p. 343- CTB 83 Becket to Nicholas Prior of Mount St Jacques, Rouen, after 12th June 1166 - MTB 184
http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k503224/f393.image

The Empress Matilda and Church Reform
Marjorie Chibnall
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
Vol. 38 (1988), pp. 107-130
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Royal Historical Society
DOI: 10.2307/3678969



Guy, John (5 April 2012). Thomas Becket: Warrior, Priest, Rebel, Victim: A 900-Year-Old Story Retold. Penguin Books Limited. pp. 270–. ISBN 978-0-14-193328-3.



Histoire du prieuré du Mont aux Malades lès Rouen, par l'abbé P. Langlois.
Léopold Delisle,
Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes, (1853)
volume 14:1, pp 78-9,

P. Langlois (1851). Histoire du prieure ́du Mont-aux-Malades-les̀-Rouen et correspondance du prieur de ce monastère avec Saint Thomas de Cantorbeŕy 1120 - 1820 d'après les archives du prieuré et les manuscrits de la bibliothèque nationale; avec planches et pièces justificatives la plupart inédites. Fleury. pp. 3–.


Epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu. 2013. 
Epistolæ: Letter sent by Matilda, empress, queen of the Romans.
To Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury
http://epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu/letter/174.html

Johnfoxe.org. 2011.
The Acts and Monuments Online:
The letter of Matild the Empresse and mother to the kyng, to Thomas becket.
http://www.johnfoxe.org/index.php?realm=text&gototype=modern&edition=1576&pageid=248&anchor=becket#kw

Legal Canon on Number of Benefices



Gratianus (de Clusio); Justus Henning Böhmer (1861). Decretum Gratiani: emendatum et notationibus illustratum Gregorii XIII pont. max. jussu editum ... Gratian Distinctio LXX: Migne. pp. 70–.




Empress Matilda/Mathilda/Maud




http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Empress_Matilda



England under the Angevin kings Kate Norgate Volume 1

The Scholar's History of England Volume II Sir James Ramsay


Jim Bradbury (2011). Stephen & Matilda: The Civil War of 1139-53. History Press Limited. ISBN 978-0-7524-7192-1.


Marjorie Chibnall, ‘Matilda (1102–1167)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 
Matilda (1102–1167): doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/18338

Oskar Roessler (1897). Kaiserin Mathilde, Mutter Heinrichs v. Anjou, und das Zeitalter der Anarchie in England. E. Ebering.
Kaiserin Mathilde, Mutter Heinrichs von Anjou

ON SOME COINS OF THE EMPRESS MATILDA, QUEEN OF ENGLAND
Author(s): J. Evans
Source: The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Numismatic Society, Vol. 14 (APRIL, 1851
–JANUARY, 1852), pp. 66-71
Published by: Royal Numismatic Society

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/42682098

British Museum - Silver penny of Matilda

220px-MatyldaAnglie.jpg (220×211) Great Seal of Matilda

Marjorie Chibnall (2000). Piety, Power and History in Medieval England and Normandy. Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-86078-821-8.