Saturday, 27 October 2018

The Broad Sweep of History


At the huge risk of generalisation:-

Louis the Pious and Charles the Bald troubles with the bishops of the Frankish Empire 
With the reforms inaugurated by Charlemagne, bishops in the Carolingian empire enjoyed a steady growth in their influence. As the political stability of the Frankish empire deteriorated after 830, however, the episcopate found itself subjected to new and unfamiliar pressures. An unsuccessful coup against Louis the Pious prompted the deposition of many prominent clerics, including the emperor’s milk-brother, Archbishop Ebo of Reims, at the Synod of Thionville - Wikipedia.

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Pseudo-Isidore and the False Decretals

Following the Carolingian civil war that followed Louis’s death in 840 deepened the uncertainty faced by the Gallican and the German episcopates. Pseudo-Isidore responded to these forces in several different ways. "He" strove to shore up the legal protections afforded to bishops by enhancing or outright inventing a wide variety of procedural protections for accused prelates. Taken together, Pseudo-Isidore’s procedural programme extended de facto immunity to accused bishops everywhere. The forgeries sought to subordinate the Frankish church to the legal oversight of the Roman papacy. While Pseudo-Isidore’s view of a Rome-centered Christendom was an ideological conviction that he shared with some of his contemporaries, Rome also functions within the forgeries as a distant venue for appeals at the margins of Carolingian political power. By expanding the legal jurisdiction of the papacy, Pseudo-Isidore hoped to withdraw accused bishops and their trials from the influence of the Carolingian rulers and the provincial synods. Finally, Pseudo-Isidore sought to establish the near absolute authority and autonomy of bishops within their own dioceses, and to protect the property of their churches from the depredations of the lay nobility.


Pseudo-Isidore was written by a group of monks in North France

Decretum Gratiani

Donation of Constantine

Constitutions of Clarendon: Donation of Constantine

The Donation of  Constantine, although a forgery, confirmed the successors of St. Peter, the Popes the bishops of Rome, as the Supreme Primate of the Roman  Catholic Church.

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Pope Gregory VII and Papal Supremacy

Pope Gregory VII - Wikipedia

Pope Gregory VII was champion of Papal Supremacy. He espoused the monastic tradition within the Church and favoured its cause. He wanted to reform and renew the Church, to return it to the state which it had had at the time of the Golden Age of the Fathers of the Church. He wanted to stamp out the heretical sin of Simony, the purchase of ecclesiastical office for money, and to put an end to marriage by clerics, which he deemed sinful.

Robinson, I. (2004). Reform and the Church, 1073–1122. In D. Luscombe & J. Riley-Smith (Eds.), The New Cambridge Medieval History (The New Cambridge Medieval History, pp. 268-334). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521414104.010


The Papacy and Canon Law in the Eleventh-Century Reform
Uta-Renate Blumenthal
The Catholic Historical Review
Vol. 84, No. 2 (Apr., 1998), pp. 201-218
Published by: Catholic University of America Press
https://www.jstor.org/stable/25025208

Thomas N. Bisson (2009). The Crisis of the Twelfth Century: Power, Lordship, and the Origins of European Government. The Church: Princeton University Press. pp. 197–. ISBN 0-691-13708-0.

Constitutions of Clarendon: Dictatus Papae, A.D. 1075

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Lanfranc, William the Conqueror, Ecclesiastical Courts

David Charles Douglas; George William Greenaway (1996). English Historical Documents, 1042-1189. Psychology Press. pp. 715–. ISBN 978-0-415-14367-7.


The historian Eadmer described the moral and the material reforms accomplished by Archbishop Lanfranc of Canterbury. The archbishop strove ‘to renew religion and morality among all orders of men throughout the kingdom; nor was he disappointed of his desire. Forthrough his persuasion and teaching religion was increased throughout that country and everywhere new monastic buildings were constructed, as appears today.’


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St. Anselm and the troubles with William Rufus and Henry I of England
Investiture Controversy

Council of London in 1102 - Wikipedia


Eugene Rathbone Fairweather (1 January 1956). A Scholastic Miscellany: Anselm to Ockham (Eadmer Settlement of the Controversy ed.). Westminster John Knox Press. pp. 211–. ISBN 978-0-664-24418-7.


Ivo of Chartres - Wikipedia

Concordat of Worms - Wikipedia
The King was recognised as having the right to invest bishops with secular authority ("by the lance") in the territories they governed, but not with sacred authority ("by ring and staff"). The result was that bishops owed allegiance in worldly matters both to the pope and to the king, for they were obliged to affirm the right of the sovereign to call upon them for military support, under his oath of fealty.

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Thomas Becket Controversy, Henry II, Constitutions of Clarendon, Liberty of the Church
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King John and Magna Carta




References




Ott, M. (1909). Ebbo. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Retrieved October 27, 2018 from New Advent: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/05241a.htm

Introduction to Pseudo-Isidore - Decretum GratianiJames A Brundage (11 June 2014). Medieval Canon Law. Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals: Routledge. pp. 26–. ISBN 978-1-317-89534-3.


Anselm of Canterbury - Wikipedia
Brooke, Z. (1989). St Anselm. The rise of a papal party. In The English Church and the Papacy:From the Conquest to the Reign of John (pp. 147-163). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 



Zachary N. Brooke; Zachary Nugent Brooke (13 July 1989). The English Church and the Papacy: From the Conquest to the Reign of John. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-0-521-36687-8.

Norman Frank Cantor (8 December 2015). Church, Kingship, and Lay Investiture in England, 1089-1135. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1-4008-7699-0.

Uta-Renate Blumenthal (1988). The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 0-8122-1386-6.

Walter Ullmann (15 April 2013). The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages (Routledge Library Editions: Political Science Volume 35). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-02630-1.


Tuesday, 23 October 2018

Letter Queen Alice of France to Pope Alexander III, 1168


Letter Queen Alice , Consort of Louis VII King of France, to Pope Alexander III, 1168

From
Albert L'Huillier (1892). Saint Thomas de Cantorbéry. Volume 2. V. Palmé. pp. 116–.
https://archive.org/details/saintthomasdecan02lhui/page/116

Translated from the French

I speak to you as a lord and a father whose honour is as dear to my lord the King and to myself as our own honour. We have received you indeed for father and lord; for God and for you we have despised the friendship of kings who shudder around us and seek only your downfall. Deign therefore to listen to your daughter, and not to despise her words as a woman's words, but to hear them as those of a loving and devoted daughter. Last year a serious scandal was caused in the Gallican Church by John of Oxford, whose perjury had so easily triumphed over the Roman Church. After him came two cardinals, whose good works are still a mystery in this country; and please God that we should not speak of the wicked! The scandals have been multiplied. Now, by his last agents, the King of England has obtained letters patent [papal bulls], which one would like to believe to be false, and by which you take from the Archbishop of Canterbury, exiled for four years for justice, all power to enact no sentence against the King and his kingdom, to strike any person with his estates, until that day Archbishop [Thomas], it says, is returned to grace, O my father, these letters do they not seem to give to the King of England the right to sin with impunity and to hold the Archbishop in exile eternally? For henceforth [they say] he remains free to receive him or not to receive him in grace. So the Church has been scandalized in our country to the point that we cannot imagine greater trouble, because a bad precedent has thus been created for princes. My lord the King, to whom you have confided about the Archbishop, is greatly irritated, because your sentence, if you hold it, comes to slaughter the innocence between his royal hands. Consternation is by all the kingdom, because our enemies have prevailed with you. My lord the King is still waiting for the fulfillment of your promises; and if he does not see it promptly, he will know, he and his descendants, what he must hope for from the Roman Church. Farewell, most holy and dear father; dare to help the Archbishop [Thomas] of Canterbury.

Extract from
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Oxford,_John_of_(DNB00)

Protests reached Rome from every quarter against this change in the papal attitude; but the dean of Salisbury returned in triumph, boasting everywhere of his success (Materials, vi. 246 et passim). 'Gravissimum in ecclesia Gallicana scandalum fecit Johannes de Oxeneford qui suo perjurio de Romana tam facile triumphavit,' wrote Alice, queen of Louis VII, to the pope (ib. p. 468). In England he was still more vigorous in action. In January 1167 he had an interview with the king in Guienne, and was sent into England. Landing at Southampton, he found the Bishop of Hereford waiting to cross over to Becket. 'On finding him he forbade him to proceed, first in the name of the king, and then of the pope. The bishop then inquired .. . whether he had any letters to that purpose. He asserted that he had, and that the pope forbade him and the other bishops as well either to attend [Becket's] summons or obey [him] in any particular until the arrival of a legate de latere domini papie. . . . The bishop insisted on seeing the letters; but he said that he had sent them on with his baggage to Winchester. . . . When the Bishop of London saw the letters, he cried aloud as if unable to restrain himself, “Then Thomas shall no more be my archbishop”' (ib. vi. 151-2).

Notes
At least one of the members of the Papal Curia in Rome was corrupt and venal. Henry had obtained by means of gold a papal bull which suspended the powers of the archbishop of Canterbury from issuing interdicts and excommunicating the king himself. The bull was, in fact, authentic. But under what circumstances hadit been written and how had it got into circulation? In reality Pope Alexander III had entrusted it to the members of an earlier papal commission who had been directed to keep it secret, and only to deliver it after they had established a definite change in the conduct of the king, and if by its publication it could establish a climate of peace.

Letter of John of Salisbury to Master Lombard of Piacenza, Summer 1168

Extract from

Peters, Mary Josephine, "Historical Background and Translation of Letters 245-291 of John of Salisbury" (1943). Master's Theses. Paper 318 p.41-. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/318/


John narrates the happenings at the conference of the French and English Kings at La Ferté-Bernard on July 1-2, 1168, and the subsequent boasts of King Henry. He also relates the opinions of the French on the scandalous machinations of the Cardinals John of Naples and John of Sutri. ... He [King Henry ii] even boasted of having such friends in the court [Papal Curia] who would void all efforts of tbe Archbishop of Canterbury. They are so zealous in promoting his business, that not a single petition could be submitted or anything asked which is hot sent to him by his friends~ We know the names of those whose advice he follows and what they recently demanded in the court, that the cause of God and the poor of Christ are sold out at a cheap price; and there was no reckoning in the exchange of them. Would that those ounces of gold never existed, by which those were led to fa11l8 who should have been pillars of the Church! The King was so elated over his triumph that no secret was made in his own home who the Cardinals were that did not receive any of that obnoxious and base gold, or who they were that saw how it was doled out, to some more, to others less in proportion as they merited more or less in their subversion of justice.
A fact that did not escape the notice of the King of the French was that the messenger of Bishop John of Naples went over from his camp to the King of England and certain persecutors of the Church, while we were at Montmirail. When the religious who are on the side of the King of Bngland heard the above-mentioned letter, they grieved very much and called down curses upon John of Naples and lohn of SS. John and Pau1 who were said to have fooled the Lord Pope. Master Geoffrey of Poitiers, a priest of Lord William Cardinal, did not consent with the plan and acts of the King's messengers, since he is looking for the kingdom of God. He openly protested that they were condemned by an anathema, b~cause they had sworn that the command ot the Lord Pope would be kept secret, and because the Lord Pope had.en~oined upon them by virtue ot obedience and under an anathema that it be kept secret. To make us despicable Betore all and to remove the comfort ot friends, who almost despair ot our peace, they together with their King praise the victories of their own malice and glory over the distress ot the Church. Would that the ears ot the Cardinals were at the mouths ot the French to whom the proverb ot this phrase might opportunely be applied: "The princes ot the Church are faithless; they are companions ot thieves." For they permit and give power to persecutors ot the Church to strike, to rob, and pillage the patrimony ot the Crucified, to share in damnable gain. Would that you, too, listened to the most Christian King who I fear cannot be recalled any more without bringing about the marriage between their children at the request ot the Emperor [Barbarosa] ...





References

Gilbertus Episcopus Londoniensis Foliot (1845). Epistolae (etc.): 23-24  Epistola DIX. Parker. pp. 312–.
James Craigie Robertson (15 November 2012). 


Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury (Canonized by Pope Alexander III, AD 1173)
. Volume 6. Cambridge University Press ISBN 978-1-108-04930-6.
-- 
MTB 440 https://archive.org/details/materialsforhist06robe/page/468
-- MTB 331 
https://archive.org/details/materialsforhist06robe/page/245

Saint Thomas Becket; Anne Duggan tr and ed (2000). The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162-1170: Letters 1-175. Volume 1. Letter CTB 150 Thomas Becket to Pope Alexander III, ca 11 Dec 1167: Clarendon Press. pp. 694–. ISBN 978-0-19-820892-1.



Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. Chapter X John of Oxford's Proceedings at the Court of Rome: publisher not identified. pp. 233–.


Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. Chapter XI Arrival of the Legates: publisher not identified. pp. 254–.

Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. Chapter XIV Suspension of the Archbishop: publisher not identified. pp. 333–.

Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. Chapter XV Conferences at Montmirail: publisher not identified. pp. 365–.


John Morris; Saint Thomas (à Becket) (1859). The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, Etc. Chapter XXIV The Cardinal Legates. pp. 214–.

John Morris; Saint Thomas (à Becket) (1859). The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, Etc. Chapter XXV Meanwhile. pp. 227–.


Elizabeth Missing Sewell (1876). Popular History of France: Fr. the Earliest Period to the Death of Louis XIV. Longmans, Green, and Company. pp. 92–.

Michael Staunton (7 December 2001). The Lives of Thomas Becket. 37. Conference at Montmirail 6th January 1169: Manchester University Press. pp. 154–. ISBN 978-0-7190-5455-6.

Michael Staunton (7 December 2001). The Lives of Thomas Becket. 36. Conference between Gisors and Trie 18 November 1167: Manchester University Press. pp. 150–. ISBN 978-0-7190-5455-6.

John Thomas Noonan (1987). Bribes. Bribing the Cardinals: University of California Press. pp. 168–. ISBN 978-0-520-06154-5.



Thursday, 4 October 2018

Garnier - Attempts at Reconciliation


Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
Stanzas 797-814
Lines 3981-4070

797
Mais li honurez reis de France, Loëwis,
Endementieres s’est durement entremis
Que il fesist le rei e saint Thomas amis.
L’apostolies i ad sovent ses briefs tramis
3985 As concilies qu’il unt de l’acorde entre els pris.

798
Un parlement dut estre a Punteise asemblez.
Tresqu’a Paris en est l’apostolies alez ;
L’arcevesques i fu, pur qui fu purparlez.
Mais quant li reis Henris en fu bien acertez
3990 Que la pape i sereit, ariere est returnez.

799
En Nujem le Rotrout out un parlement pris
Entre le rei Henri e le rei Loëwis ;
Pur sa besuigne faire l’out pris li reis Henris.
L’arcevesque i mena li reis de Saint Denis,
3995 Qu’il feïst, s’il peüst, lui e le rei amis.

800
Mais li reis d’Engleterre n’out suing de l’acorder ;
Preia le rei de France qu’il l’en laissast ester
De Thomas l’arcevesque, qu’il n’en volsist parler,
E il li frea tut quanqu’il volt demander.
4000 « E jel larrai tresbien, fait Loëwis li ber.

801
Jo ne sui pas de lui ne des suens anuiez,
E de lui retenir sui je tut aaisiez ;
Car de sun grant sens est mis regnes enhauciez,
Li vostres suffreitus e forment enpeiriez :
4005 Greignur mestier que jo certes en avrïez. »

802
Quant vint a l’arcevesque li gentilz reis de France,
Fait il : « De vostre acorde n’avrai ja mes fiance ;
Mais ainceis en oi jo tut adès esperance.
Car al rei d’Engleterre truis jo si grant bobance
4010 Qu’il ne m’en volt oïr, n’en conseil n’en oiance.

803
Alcune feiz vus ai e preié e requis
Que vus remansissiez el regne saint Denis ;
Or vus abandoins jo mun regne e mun païs,
Estampes e Orliens e Chartres e Paris ;
4015 Del mien e de mes rentes ert vostre estuveir pris. »

804
A Muntmirail unt puis un parlement eü.
Dui chardenal de Rume i sunt al rei venu :
Vuillames de Pavie e dan Johans i fu
De Naples, qui al rei se sunt del tut tenu,
4020 E l’arcevesque eüssent volentiers deceü.

805
Li reis lur dist que tant se volt humilïer
Qu’il frea l’arcevesque quanqu’il voldrunt jugier,
E quanque saint’iglise en voldra otrïer,
Se c’est que l’arcevesques s’i volsist apuier.
4025 « Si fera, funt li il ; ço ne puet il laissier. »

806
La nuit que l’endemain dut estre l’asemblee,
Jut saint Thomas a Chartres od gent qu’il ot menee.
Un’itel visiun li aveit Deus mustree
Qu’il sout certainement, sil dist sa gent privee,
4030 A quel chief la parole sereit le jur finee.

807
Vis li fu qu’en un liu il e li reis esteit.
Un mult bel hanap d’or, u doré, li offreit
Li reis, tut plain de vin, e beivre li roveit.
Il esguardout le vin : si truble le veeit
4035 Que beivre ne l’osout ne prendre nel voleit.

808
Quant il ot esguardé le hanap tut entur
E vit le vin si truble qu’il en out grant hisdur,
Dous iraignes vit surdre des funz d’une tenur ;
Sur l’un ur s’asist l’une, e l’altre sur l’autre ur.
4040 « Ostez, fait il ; ne voil beivre ceste puur. »

809
Al matin ses privez e ses clers apela ;
Cel sunge que la nuit out sungié lur cunta.
« Bien sai, fait il, coment cest parlement prendra.
Mult beaus offres, fait il, li reis nus offerra,
4045 Mais jo nes prendrai pas ; car grant engin i a.


810
Li beaus hanas dorez qu’il me voleit puirier,
Ço erent li bel offre que ne voldrai baillier,
Li trubles vins, engins qu’il volt apareillier ;
E les dous granz iraignes sunt li dui paltenier
4050 Cardenal, qui nus volent, s’il poent, enginnier. »

811
Quant il vint al concilie, les cardenals trova.
Li reis dit qu’en ces dous volentiers se metra,
E quanqu’il jugerunt volentiers ensiwra,
E quanque saint’iglise esguarder en voldra.
4055 Il vit bien les engins e tresbien se guarda.

812
En ces laz le voleient li cardenal buter :
Dient que lur esguard ne pet il refuser,
Ne ço que saint’iglise en voldra esguarder.
E dit qu’a saint’iglise ne volt il contrester,
4060 Ne al rei ne volt il fors raisun demander ;

813
Mais il ne volt, ço dit, n’en plait n’en cause entrer,
Tresque li reis li ait fait del tut restorer,
E a lui e as suens, e rendre e renformer
Lur chose, ensi cum il la laissierent ester
4065 A l’ure qu’il les fist d’Engleterre turner.

814
Car dessaisiz ne volt pur nule rien plaidier.
Ço ne voleit li reis en nul sens otrïer,
Mais a ces dous voleit qu’il se laissast jugier.
Mais il ne se volt pas a lur diz apuier.
4070 Ensi s’en departi ; n’i pout plus espleitier.

Translation


797
Meanwhile the highly respected [most Christian] king of France, Louis [le Jeune, VII] during this time applied himself in particular to trying to establish amicable relations between the king [of England] and St. Thomas. The Pope often sent letters [of encouragement] to the meetings [in the hope] that they would reach an accord between them. 3985

798
A council was convoked to meet at Pontoise. The Pope therefore came as far as Paris because of it; archbishop [Thomas] went there, in order to consult with him. But when king Henry was reliably informed that he [Becket] would be there, he about turned and went back. 3990

799
In Nogent-le-Rotrou a[nother] conference was held between king Henry and king Louis; King Henry had accepted [to come to] this in principle in order to further his business. The king [of France] brought the archbishop with him there from Saint Denis in order to try to make them friends if he could. 3995

800
But the king of England cared not to come to an accord [with Thomas]; and begged the king of France that he would leave off discussing about archbishop Thomas, for he did not want to. And that he would yield to him everything whatsoever he might want to ask for
<< And I [also] would very much like to leave that issue be.>> Said the virtuous king Louis. 4000

801
>>I am not worried for either him or his people, and I would be completely happy to retain [his services] as his great sense [of morality] enhances the reputation of my kingdom. That of yours is bereft and sorely impaired [by his absence] and is in very much greter need of his skills. It is certain that you have more need of him than I do.>>

802

Afterwards the noble king of France went to the archbishop. He [the king of France] said [to him]: <<I would never swear [I could obtain] your reconciliation [with the king of England] but rather I always had [great] hope for it, but in the king of England I have discovered so great a vanity that he doesn't want to listen to me about it, neither in a private council, nor at an open hearing.>>

803
Many times I have both urged and demanded that you should remain in the kingdom of Saint Denis; now I place at your disposal my kingdom and my country: Étampes and Orleans, Chartres and Paris, your needs will be met from my treasury and out of my income. 4015

804
At Montmirail a conference was held. Two cardinals came from Rome to king Henry: they were William of Pavia and His Eminence John of Naples, who sided with the king in everything and who were willing to deceive the archbishop. 4020

805
The king said he was willing to humble himself thus far: that he would make a deal with the archbishop in whatever way they judged fit and in whatever way pleased Holy Church. He wondered if the archbishop would be in favour of this.
<<He must comply.>> they [the Cardinals] said,<<He cannot avoid doing this.>> 4025

806
On the night before the day set for the meeting St. Thomas lodged at Chartres together with the people he had brought with him. [That night] he had a vision. God had revealed this to him in a dream so that he would know with some certainty what would happen to him on the following day, what would be the main outcome of the discussions at the end of the day.  He related this [vision] to his private circle [of companions]. 4030

807
[In his dream] it seemed to him that he was with the king in some place and that the king held out a very fine golden or gilded goblet full of wine and asked him to drink from it. [Thomas] looked at the thing and saw that it was very cloudy so much so that he had no wish to dare to imbibe or take it. 4035

808
After he had examined the goblet all round and saw that the wine was [indeed] very cloudy [it was then] that he had a [very] great shock. [He saw] two spiders emerge from the bottom of the goblet with one intent [to climb the sides of the goblet.] One sat on one side of the rim and the other sat on the other side of the same.
He cried out: <<Take this away. I have no wish to drink this putrid potion.>> 4040

809
In the morning he summoned his private circle of close companions to relate to them this vision which he had had that night.
<<I know well,>> he said <<how this conference will turn out. The king will make many fine offers to us but I will not accept any, because in them lie a great deceit [trap] 4045

810
>> The fine golden goblet which he wishes to give me was a fine offer which I cannot accept, the cloudy wine are traps which he wanted to set up. And the two large spiders are the two cardinals who want to plot against us if they can.>> 8050

811
When he [Thomas] arrived at the conference [council] he [indeed] found the cardinals were there.The king said he was willing to submit himself to these two's judgement and that whatever decision they came to he would willingly abide by it, and whatever decision Holy Church came to he would consider it. He [Thomas] well saw the scheming and guarded himself against them. 4055

812.
The cardinals wanted to push him into this snare, saying that he could not refuse to accept their decision nor any decision which Holy Church might want. And he said that he did not want to oppose any decision of Holy Church, nor did he want to demand anything from the king other than [his] lawful rights. 8060

813
But he did not wish, so he said, to enter into any legal plea [appeal] or to start a case about it until the king had restored all those things belonging to him and his people, both giving back and restoring their belongings in that same state just as they had left them at that time when they had been forced to leave England. 4065

814
for he [Becket] had no wish to make a legal plea for anything as a dispossessed person.The king [Henry II] in no sense wanted to agree to this. But he wanted to leave it to these two [cardinals] to make a judgement, But he [Becket] had no wish himself to accept their pronouncements. So he made his exit, as he could do no more. 4070


References

Immanuel Bekker (1838). La vie St. Thomas le martir: altfranzosisches gedicht aus einer wolfenbüttler handschrift. pp. 104–.

La vie de Saint Thomas le martyr; poème historique du 12e siècle (1172-1174) Publié par E. Walberg : Guernes, de Pont-Sainte-Maxence. p. 134-

La vie de Saint Thomas le martyr; poème historique du 12e siècle (1172-1174) Publié par E. Walberg : Guernes, de Pont-Sainte-Maxence, p. 277- 

Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence); Gouttebroze & Quefelec tr (1990). La vie de saint Thomas Becket. Libr. H. Champion. p. 107- ISBN 978-2-85203-111-1.

Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence); Jacques Thomas tr (2002). La vie de Saint Thomas de Canterbury. Peeters. pp. 237–. ISBN 978-90-429-1188-8.

Richard Barber (2003). Henry Plantagenet. Boydell Press. pp. 125–. ISBN 978-0-85115-993-5.




----

Saint Thomas (à Becket); Saint Thomas Becket; Thomas (Becket.) (2000). The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162-1170: Letters 1-175. Volume 1. CTB 68 April 1166 Letter Becket to king Henry II Loqui de Deo: Clarendon Press. pp. 267–. ISBN 978-0-19-820892-1.

Wednesday, 12 September 2018

English Law: Glanvill on Unwritten Laws and Customs

Extract from the Preface of Tractatus de legibus & consuetudinibus regni Angliae

Ranulf de Glanville; tr. John Beames (1812). A Translation of Glanville. Preface: W. Reed. pp. xxxvi–xl.

[The following is dated approximately 1187-9]
...
Since each decision [in the King's Court] is governed by the Laws of the Realm, and by those Customs which, founded on reason in their introduction, have for a long time prevailed; and, what is still more laudable, our King disdains not to avail himself of the advice of such men (although his subjects) whom, in gravity of manners, in skill in the Law and Customs of the Realm, in the superiority of their wisdom and Eloquence, he knows to surpass others, and whom he has found by experience most prompt, as far as consistent with reason, in the administration of Justice, by determining Causes and ending suits, acting now with more severity, and now with more lenity, as they see most expedient. For the English Laws, although not written, may as it should seem, and that without any absurdity, be termed Laws, (since this itself is a Law—that which pleases the Prince has the force of Law*) I mean, those Laws which it is evident were promulgated by the advice of the Nobles and the authority of the Prince, concerning doubts to be settled in their Assembly. For, if from the mere want of writing only, they should not be considered as Laws, then, unquestionably, writing would seem to confer more authority upon Laws themselves, than either the Equity of the persons constituting, or the reason of those framing, them. But, to reduce in every instance the Laws and Constitutions of the Realm into writing, would be, in our times, absolutely impossible, as well on account of the ignorance of writers, as of the confused multiplicity of the Laws. But, there are some, which, as they more generally occur in Court, and are more frequently used, it appears to me not presumptuous to put into writing, but rather very useful to most persons, and highly necessary to assist the memory. A certain portion of those I therefore intend to reduce into writing, purposely making use of a vulgar style, and of words occurring in Court, in order to instruct those who are less accustomed to this kind of vulgarity. In proof of which, I have distinguished the present work by Books and Chapters.

* This principle, the very basis of despotism occurs in  the Roman code. (Justin. Instit. L. 1. t. 2. s. 6.) It may very justly be questioned, whether it is not here cited ironically. At all events, the passage of our text can scarcely warrant the conclusion the celebrated M. Houard has drawn from it. But the Reader shall have his own words—Le Terte de notre Auteur prouve qu'après la conquéte, les Anglois regurent, de Guillaume le Bátard, les mémes Maximes que nous avions jusques-lè suivies, a l'égard du Droit exclusif, que nos Rois avoient toujours erercé, de faire les Loir. (Traités Sur les coutumes Anglo-Normandes par M. Houard. I. 378.)
....

Henry II almost certainly considered the Constitutions of Clarendon,  which were rendered into writing and codified in January 1164, as previously informal unwritten Customary Law that had been in force at the time of his grandfather, Henry I. Glanvill would have concurred with this status for them.

The meeting at Clarendon in 1164 transformed them into written English Statute Law.

References

Ranulf de Glanville . Tractatus de legibus & consuetudinibus regni Angliae, tempore regis Henrici Secundi compositus: justiciae gubernacula tenente illustri viro Ranulpho de Glanvilla, juris regni et antiquarum consuetudinum eo tempore peritissimo. Prologus: Prostant venales apud J. White et E. Brooke. pp. 29–. [Compiled in 1780]

Ranulf de Glanvill - Wikipedia

Tractatus de legibus et consuetudinibus regni Anglie - Wikipedia

Ranulf de Glanville (1965). The Treatise on the Laws and Customs of the Realm of England: Commonly Called Glanvill. Nelson.

G. D. G. Hall (1993). The Treatise on the Laws and Customs of the Realm of England Commonly Called Glanvill. Clarendon Press. pp. 89–. ISBN 978-0-19-158518-0.

R. C. Caenegem; Raoul-Charles van Caenegem (1988). The Birth of the English Common Law. Chapter 1: English Courts from the Conqueror to Glanvill: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-0-521-35682-4.

Natalie Fryde (2001). Why Magna Carta?: Angevin England Revisited. LIT Verlag Münster. pp. 55–. ISBN 978-3-8258-5657-1.

Ranulf de Glanville (1780). Tractatus de legibus & consuetudinibus regni Angliae, tempore regis Henrici Secundi compositus: justiciae gubernacula tenente illustri viro Ranulpho de Glanvilla, juris regni et antiquarum consuetudinum eo tempore peritissimo. Prostant venales apud J. White et E. Brooke



That which pleases the Prince has the Force of the Law
(Quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem.)

Ulpian - Wikiquote

Mortimer J. Adler (2010). How to Think about the Great Ideas: From the Great Books of Western Civilization(Volume 2 Of 2 ). ReadHowYouWant.com. pp. 141–. ISBN 978-1-4587-2006-1.


King above Law? "Quod Principi Placuit" in Bracton
Ewart Lewis
Speculum
Vol. 39, No. 2 (Apr., 1964), pp. 240-269
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Medieval Academy of America
DOI: 10.2307/2852728
https://www.jstor.org/stable/2852728



Sunday, 26 August 2018

Garnier: Conference at Montmirail January 1169

The Failed Accord at the Conference of Montmirail 6th January 1169 [Epiphany]

By the Chateau de Montmirail in the Perche-Gouet

Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
Stanzas 815 -843Lines 4071-4215

815
Un altre parlement out a Muntmirail pris ;
Si fu par l’apostolie e par ses briés asis.
Od les barons franceis i fu reis Loëwis ;
Od mult riche barnage i fu li reis Henris.
4075 Mult i out grant clergié e mult baruns de pris.

816
Car de part l’apostolie de Rume i sunt alé
Danz Bernarz de la Coldre, sainz hum de grant bunté,
Li priurs del Munt Deu, huem de grant honesté,
Arcevesque e evesque e priur e abé,
4080 Pur faire cele pes. E mult s’en sunt pené.

817
Saint Thomas demandeit les dreiz de saint’iglise,
[126] Possessiun e rente que li reis en out prise ;
E li reis, la custume qui el regne iert asise :
Ses custumes ne volt laissier en nule guise.
4085 Saint Thomas ne volt faire, ço dit, si grant mesprise.

818
Tant alerent entr’els clerc e lai tute jur,
Que li reis dit : ne quiert mes qu’il en ait honur ;
Face li ço que firent as suens si anceisur ;
Lui covient que ses genz aient de li poür,
4090 E pur ço volt mustrer e fierté e reidur.

819
Car felenesse gent a mult a guverner,
E pur ço li covient mult fier semblant mustrer.
Mais se li arcevesques li volt tut graanter
Ço que si anceisur voldrent as suens guarder,
4095 Lanfrancs e sainz Ansealmes, ne volt plus demander.

820
L’arcevesque respunt : ja Damnedeu ne place
Que il deie tenir chose dunt rien ne sace ;
La u il firent bien, dreiz est que il le face,
E la u il mesfirent n’en volt sivre lur trace ;
4100 Car n’a en cest siecle humme a la feiz ne mesface.

821
Sainz Pieres li apostles, que Deus tant honura
Que en ciel e en terre poesté li dona,
Jesu Crist sun seignur par treis feiz reneia.
E ço ne fereit il pur quanqu’en cest mund a,
4105 Ne ja contre raisun custume ne tendra.

822
Des custumes ne set, ço dit, nule numer
Que li suen anceisur durent as reis guarder.
Li reis dit qu’a dous cenz les li fera jurer
Chevaliers e proveires. Dunc respundi li ber
4110 Qu’il li purreit asez des jureürs trover,

823
Ne metra saint’iglise en lur serement mais.
« Seignur, fait dunc li reis, il n’a cure de pais.
[127] Veez cum jo li faz amur e grant relais ! »
Dunc unt tuit escrïé l’arcevesque a un fais ;
4115 E clerc e lai li crient que trop esteit engreis.

824
Quant l’arcevesque veit que tuit li curent sure,
Nul ne s’en volt a lui apuier a cel’ure,
Del quer parfunt suspire e des oilz del chief plure,
E prie Jesu Crist, qui saint’iglise aüre,
4120 Qu’il ne face tel plait dunt envers Deu encure.

825
Dunc dist li reis Henris qu’en cels treis se metreit
Des evesques de France que il en eslirreit,
E quanqu’il en fereient qu’il le graantereit.
Dunc li crïerent tuit que asez en faiseit.
4125 Saint Thomas dist qu’en France mult produmes aveit,

826
E ço que il ferunt volt il bien graanter :
Sauf sun ordre, voldra les custumes guarder.
Li reis jure cel mot en estuvra oster :
Par cel mot le voldreit, ço dist, ensoffimer.
4130 De tutes parz li dient qu’il laist cel mot ester.

827
Mais li sainz arcevesques idunc li graanta
Que, salve la fei Deu, les custumes tendra.
Li reis jure les oilz ja cil moz n’i sera ;
Car sofisme, ço dit, e grant engin i a.
4135 – Mais ja mais nul engin en la fei Deu n’avra.

828
Dunc dist li arcevesques que tut ço li fereit
Que nuls des arcevesques sun rei faire deveit.
Li reis jure les oilz ja cel mot n’i sereit :
Trecherie, ço dit, e engin i aveit.
4140 – Mais ne quiert nul engin qui fait que faire deit.

829
Li reis dit qu’il ne quiert mes qu’il li face honur :
Face li ço que firent as reis si anceisur,
Que tuz li mieudres d’els fist a tut le peiur.
[128] Dunc respundirent tuit li sage e li meillur
4145 Que li reis dit asez : pais volt e offre amur.

830
Quant l’arcevesque vit tuit se tindrent al rei,
Li priurs del Munt Deu e Bernarz del Coldrei
E nis li reis de France, u il ot greignur fei,
De ses beals oilz plura e se tint tut en sei :
4150 « Seignurs, fait il a els, sa volenté otrei. »

831
Quant l’arcevesques out al rei tut otrïé
E se furent a ço d’ambes parz apuié,
Dunc ad li arcevesques sun capel jus sachié,
Li reis Henris, le suen ; dunc se sunt aprescié,
4155 Qu’en pais s’entrebaissassent e en veire amistié.

832
Fait dunc li arcevesques, qui Deus esteit mult pres :
« Sire, a l’onur de Deu e la vostre vus bes. »
Fait dunc Gefrei Ridel : « Ci ad soffisme adès.
– Veire, par les oilz Deu, fait il, n’a soing de pes. »
4160 Dunc turna sun cheval, si s’en poinst a eslès.

833
Quant le rei d’Engleterre en virent si partir,
Clerc e lai comencierent l’arcevesque a laidir,
E dient qu’il out tort, qu’il ne se volt tenir
En ço qu’ot graanté, e k’um nel puet grevir ;
4165 Ne virent unches pais pur si poi deguerpir.

834
Tuz perdi les Franceis saint Thomas a cel jur ;
Par France l’apeleient felun e traïtur.
A l’ostel s’en ala li huem Nostre Seignur.
Si clerc furent vers li e murne e en irur,
4170 E dient qu’il les a tuz morz senz nul retur.

835
« Grant tort avez, fait il ; jo vus tieng tuz pur orbs.
De grant hunte nus a Damnedeus wi estors :
Car li reis nus soleit demander granz estors,
Apeler traïturs e malveis de noz cors ;
4175 Relaissié nus en ad, e tut c’en a mis fors.

836
Or ne nus demande el mais qu’il en ait honur,
[129] Que tenum les custumes si cum nostre anceisur ;
E nus li graantames. Mes ja mais a nul jur
N’i avendra pur humme. Merci al creatur
4180 Que sumes eschapé de si grant desonur ! »

837
Dunc fist ses briefs escrire. L’apostolie a mandé
Tut ço qu’il out al rei pur la pes graanté,
E pur quei li reis l’a guerpi e refusé
E a Deu de sa pais par covenant osté.
4185 Or li prie e requiert mant l’en sa volenté.

838
A la Ferté Bernart jut li reis cele nuit.
Devant ses privez a Gefrei Ridel aduit.
« Cestui voil jo, fait il, que vus honurez tuit.
Mielz s’est ui esmerez de l’or set feiz recuit.
4190 Guari m’a par sun sens ; li fel ne m’a suduit. »

839
Quant il se fu culchiez e il s’out purpensé
De ço que l’arcevesque li aveit graanté,
E que pur un sul mot l’out ensi refusé,
Dit qu’il est enginniez e que mal a erré,
4195 Car l’arcevesques out faite sa volenté.

840
E jure les oilz Deu e volt bien afichier
Que ja mais a cel puint ne purra repairier.
Tuz ses servanz ad fait erramment esveillier,
E ad fait pur l’evesque de Peitiers enveier,
4200 Tost vienge a li parler. Il ne s’i volt targier.

841
A mienuit ala al rei Henri parler.
« Vus estuvra, fait il, a l’arcevesque aler.
Enginniez sui, quant pais ne li voil graanter,
Car il m’out otrïé quanque soi demander.
4205 Par les oilz Deu, ja mais n’i purrai recovrer !

842
Or alez après lui, pensez de l’espleitier.
Dites lui qu’or prendrai ço que il m’offri ier. »
Dunc munta li evesques, ne s’i volt plus targier,
E enveia avant sa venue nuncier.
4210 Quant saint Thomas l’oï, fist ses sumiers cargier.

843
El chemin s’esteit mis, ne l’a pas atendu.
L’evesque le siwi tut a col estendu ;
E quant il vint a lui, si li ad respundu
Que ja mais a cel point u il l’orent eü
4215 Ne vendreit pur nul humme, car contre raisun fu.

Translation

815
Another conference took place at Montmirail, it had been summoned to this place by the Pope, by one his letters. King Louis [VI] came there with the French barons; king Henry came there with many of [his] powerful barons. [And there were also] there many grand [members] of the clergy [together with] many other barons of worth. 4075

816
On behalf of the Pope of Rome [Alexander III] were sent there, the lord Bernard de la Coudre [the prior of Grandmont,] a holy man of great virtue, and the prior of Mont Dieu a man of great honesty, [and] archbishops and bishops, and priors and abbots, [all] for to broker this peace; and they [all] did their very best [to achieve] this [aim]. 4080.

817
St Thomas demanded the rights of Holy Church, [and all] the possessions [property] and rents that the king had seized from him; and the king [insisted] on the customs which belonged to the kingdom, [those of] his customs which he did not wish to let go of in any way. St Thomas did not to commit such a great wrongdoing. 4085

818
There were many comings and goings between the clerics and laity the whole day long, until king [Henry] declared that he would seek no more than a sign of respect:
That he [Thomas, the archbishop] must act towards him as his [Thomas'] predecessors had done towards his [king Henry's] ancestors, that his people [subjects] must fear him. And that by this he wanted to demonstrate that he had both strength and determination. 4090

819
Because he had many wicked people to govern. and for this reason he had to seem to look as if he was very cruel. But he would grant the archbishop everything, if he would [agree to] observe those [customs] which belonged to his ancestors [the same customs] which Lanfranc and St Anselm [had observed]. He did not wish to ask for more. 4095

820
The archbishop replied: <<It does not please Almighty God that I should hold to those things about; which I know nothing: where they have done good it is right that I should do as they did, but where they have done wrong, I have no wish to follow in their footsteps. Indeed, there is no one in this world who does not commit sin. 4100

821
St Peter the apostle, whom God greatly honoured, and Who gave him power both in Heaven and [here] upon Earth, denied his Lord, Jesus Christ, three times. And for this there was nothing in this world which would make him ever adhere to custom against reason [holy/Canon Law]. 4105

[Luke 22:54-62]

822
Then he said that he did not know or could not name a single custom which his predecessors had supposedly held on behalf of [their] kings. The king said that he had two hundred jurors [witnesses] [ready] who would swear to them, [both] knights and priests. Then our hero replied that he [the king] might be able to find enough jurors [witnesses] 4110

823
<<Never will I bind Holy Church upon their oath.>> [said St. Thomas]
<<My lords,>> the king then said, <<look he has never sought peace. See how I show him friendship and pardon him!>>
Then all [present] howled in unison at the archbishop: both clerics and laity shouted at him that he was too insolent. 4115

824
When the archbishop saw that all present. [and that] no one wanted to come to his assistance at that moment, from the very depths of his heart he sighed and the eyes in his head began to fill with tears; and he prayed to Jesus Christ, whom Holy Church venerates, that he would not take any such action which would render him guilty [of a sin] towards God. 4120

825
Then king Henry said that in this he would defer to three bishops of France that he [Becket] may choose and whatever [agreement] they came up with that he would accept it. Then they [all those around him] cried out that he [the king] was doing more than enough. St. Thomas said that France had many fine men [bishops] ... 4125


826
... and that he would well like to promise to keep the customs [but on the condition of] "saving his order". The king swore that these words must be excluded [from any agreement]. By these words, he said, he [Becket] would be [deliberately] trying to deceive him [the king] with sophistry. [Those present] from all sides said to him [Becket] that he should leave these words out. 4130

827
Rather the holy archbishop then consented that he would keep the agreement [the customs] "saving his faith in God" [the fealty/honour due to God]. The king then swore by the eyes of God that this phrase could not be used in this agreement. As there was sophistry [in them too], so he said, and great deceit therein. -- But never would there be any deceit in one's faith in God. [How could there be?] 4135


828
Then the archbishop said that he would do everything for him that an archbishop should do for his king. The king swore by the eyes of God saying that these words were treacherous and there was deceit in hiding in them - But there is no deceit if one does as one must do.
[How could there be?] 4140

829
The king [king Henry] said that he sought no more than he [Becket] should do honour [show respect] to him, that which was done towards the kings of old by his [Becket's] predecessors: everything that the least of them [archbishops] had done towards the very worst [king]. Then all the wise people and the best men [present] said that the king had [openly] said enough, [that] he wanted peace and offered friendship. 4145


830
When archbishop [Becket] saw that everyone was siding with king [Henry], [that is] the prior of Mont-Dieu, and Bernard de Coudré, and even the king of France, in whom he had had greatest faith, his fine eyes filled with tears and when he had recovered himself he said to them, <<My Lords, I consent to his [king Henry's] will.>>


831
After the archbishop had conceded everything to the king, and [it was clear] both parties were in agreement with this, then the archbishop took off his cap, [and] king Henry his: then they drew close to one other, so that they could give each other the kiss of peace in true friendship. 4155

832
Then said the archbishop, who was very close to God, << Sire, to the honour of God and yours I give you [this] kiss [of peace].>>
Then Geoffrey Riddell immediately said: <<This is sophistry [there is deceit in this] !>>
<<Truly, by the eyes of God,>> said [the king], <<he cares not for peace.>>
He [the king] then turned his horse around, [and] using his spurs took off at a gallop.
833 [Both] Clerics and lay people, when they saw the king of England go off like that, started to rebuke the archbishop, and said to him that he had done wrong, that he [Becket] had not wanted to keep to that which he had acceded to, and for which he [the king] cannot bear any blame. Never ever had they seen a peace accord forsaken for so little. 4165 834 St Thomas lost [the good will] of the French that day; throughout France they called him a wicked person [felon] and traitor. Our man of God (God Our Lord) returned to his lodgings. His clerks (clerics) were both sad and angry with him; and they said to him that he had had them all sent to their death without recourse to an appeal. 4170 835 <<You are [all] completely wrong.>> he said, << I think you are all quite blind. The Lord Living God on high has stopped us [me] from committing a great shame, as the king used to demand from us [me] a great deal, calling us [me] a traitor and an evildoer to our [my] person. Now he has given up doing that to us [me], and he put all of that aside. 4175 836 >> Now he asks of us [me] for nothing more than he is shown honour, that we [I] [should] hold to those customs as did our [my] predescessor [archbishops]; and we [I] have acceded [this] to him. But never a day will come [when this will happen]. Thanks to God the Creator, we have escaped from such a great ignominy!>> 4180 837 He [Becket] then had a letter [from him] drawn up, which was sent to the Pope telling him everything he had done to [try to] secure peace with the king, and about how the king had abandoned it and refused him, and how he [the king] had excluded God from their peace agreement. Now he [Becket] begged and entreated him [the Pope] to tell him [Becket] what his [the Pope's] will was. 4185 838 The king lodged that night at La Ferté-Bernard [a fortress].. His privy advisors were led into his presence by Geoffrey Riddell. <<This is what I want>> he [the king] said, <<that you all should honour that man For he has shown himself today to be rather like pure gold which has been refined [by fire] seven times over.. He has healed me with his sense; the wicked can no longer deceive me. >> 4190 [https://is.gd/Bm03Eg] 839 When he was in bed and had thought deeply about what the archbishop had acceded to him, and that it was because of only one sole clause he had refused him, he said [to himself] that he had been influenced and gone badly astray as the archbishop had [actually] agreed to [everything] that he wanted. 4195 840 And he swore by the eyes of God and wanted fully to assert that never [again] would he be able to recover this position. He immediately had all his servants woken up and had the bishop of Poitiers [John Belmeis] sent for hastily to come and speak with him. 4200 841 At midnight he [the bishop of Poitiers] went to king Henry to talk [with him]. He [the king] said <<It will be necessary for you [the bishop] to go to the archbishop [Becket]. I deceived myself when I said I did not wish to grant him peace as he had conceded to me all that I could demand of him. By the eyes of God I will never retrieve this position [regain this advantage again]!>> 4205 842 >> Hurry to him now, think how to deal with him, tell him that I will agree to that which he offered me yesterday.>> Then the bishop mounted up [ on his horse]. He didn't want to delay there any longer. And he sent a messenger ahead [to Becket to say] that he was coming. When St Thomas heard this he had his pack-horse loaded up. 4210 843 He [Becket] set off along the road, not waiting for him [the bishop of Poitiers]. The bishop followed him at breakneck speed, and when he had caught him [Becket] up, [Becket] replied to him saying thus: that he would never agree to this point which he had heard from him that he would not come [back] for anyone as it was against [all] reason. 4215

References Michael Staunton (7 December 2001). The Lives of Thomas Becket. 37 Conference at Montmirail 6th Jan 1169: Manchester University Press. pp. 154–. ISBN 978-0-7190-5455-6.
https://goo.gl/ez3M19
Conference at Montmirail 6th Jan 1169 - Salvo Honore Dei
https://goo.gl/wZTzsR

Frank Barlow (16 August 1990). Thomas Becket. Conference at Montmirail: University of California Press. pp. 179–. ISBN 978-0-520-07175-9.
https://goo.gl/FN1LcX


Étienne Mignot (1756). Histoire du démêlé de Henri II, Roi d'Angleterre, avec Thomas Becket, Archevéque de Cantorbery: précédée d'un discours sur la jurisdiction des princes & des magistrats séculiers sur les personnes ecclésiastiques. Arkstée & Merkus. pp. 249–.
https://goo.gl/KavHs9


Eiríkr Magnússon (1875). Thómas Saga Erkibyskups: A Life of Archbishop Thomas Becket, in Icelandic, with English Translation, Notes and Glossary. Volume 1. Chapter LXV Of The Parting of the Kings [Conference of Montmirail]: Longman & Company. pp. 433–41.
https://goo.gl/x2LHSH

James J. Spigelman (2004). Becket & Henry: The Becket Lectures. James Spigelman. pp. 190–. ISBN 978-0-646-43477-3.
W. L. Warren (28 November 1977). Henry II. University of California Press. pp. 108–. ISBN 978-0-520-03494-5.
https://goo.gl/7rVzVp

https://archive.org/stream/thomasbecketarch00huttuoft#page/206/mode/1up/search/montmirail
Hutton
Meeting at Montmirail
https://goo.gl/naXvdy


William Harris Rule (1854). The Third Crusade: Richard I., Coeur de Lion, King of England ; with the Affairs of Henry II. and Thomas Becket. The Conference of Montmirail: J. Mason. pp. 53–.

Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. Chapter XV: Conferences at Montmirail publisher not identified. pp. (360–) 365–96

John Allen Giles (1846). The Life and Letters of Thomas á Becket: Now First Gathered from the Contemporary Historians. Chapter XXXII and XXXIII: Whittaker. pp. 126–73.

Montmirail - Google Maps

Château de Montmirail (Sarthe) — Wikipédia francais

Adolphe Laurent Joanne (1867). Itinéraire général de la France: Bretagne. L. Hachette. pp. 298–.

George Payne Rainsford James (1842). A History of the Life of Richard Coeur-de-Lion, King of England. Baudry's European Library. pp. 140–.

Geoffrey Ridel (bishop of Ely) - Wikipedia


John of Canterbury - Wikipedia
Belmeis, John (DNB00) - Wikisource

Robert William Eyton. Court, Household and Itinerary of King Henry II., Instancing Also the Chief Agents and Adversaries of the King in His Government, Diplomacy, and Strategy.. BiblioBazaar. ISBN 978-1-241-55108-7Court, household, and itinerary of King Henry II.

archive.org/stream/mlangesdhistoi00pari#page/153/mode/1up/search/montmirail



General Correspondence


https://goo.gl/vRd6gD = MTB 451
https://goo.gl/BNRXLc = MTB 452 and MTB 453
https://goo.gl/H8zgUR = MTB 454
https://goo.gl/Uy4K5K = MTB 455
Letters by John of Salisbury
Peters, Mary Josephine, "Historical Background and Translation of Letters 245-291 of John of Salisbury" (1943).
Master's Theses. Paper 318.
http://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/318
Letter 287 p.128
John of Salisbury to Bishop John Belmeis of Poitiers
Letter 288 p.131
John. to the Priors, Simon of Mont Dieu, and Engelbert of Val S. Pierre p 131
Letter 290 p.138
John to Bishop Bartholomew of Exeter


CTB 286: Giles JoS Letter 286; MTB .456;
https://goo.gl/7BWmBf = MTB 456 [286 above]


CTB 287: Giles JoS Letter 287; Materials Epistola 457
https://goo.gl/cN4uJ5 = MTB 457


CTB 288: Giles JoS Letter 285 ('284'); Materials Epistola 461
https://goo.gl/11Uf3h = MTB 461


CTB =
St Thomas Becket; ed & tr Anne Duggan (2000). The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162-1170: Letters 176-329. Volume II. Clarendon Press.. ISBN 978-0-19-820893-8.
https://goo.gl/uSw2nx


MTB =
Robertson, J. (Ed.).. Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury Vol 6 Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9781139226257
Volume 6: Epistles, CCXXVII–DXXX
https://goo.gl/CCyqHQ


JoS Letters
John (of Salisbury, évêque de Chartres.) (1979). The Letters of John of Salisbury: The later letters (1163-1180). Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0-19-822240-8.
https://goo.gl/TivzBD



Becket's Latin Hagiographers on the Conference at Montmirail

William of Canterbury Chapter 67
MTB i pp 73-5 https://goo.gl/h8nnDT

William FitzStephen Chapter 92
MTB iii pp 96-7 https://goo.gl/cjx9bD

Herbert of Boseham Book IV Chapter 26
MTB iii pp 418-29 https://goo.gl/yr4HMe

Anonymous II Chapter 29
MTB iv 113-4 https://goo.gl/bpxSAa