Monday 24 December 2018

The Palace of Clarendon

Clarendon Palace


Clarendon Palace, the location where the Constitutions were drawn up and promulgated, a location very near to both Old Sarum [medieval Salisbury, about a 4 mile walk away]. Winchester was close by, and it was just about a day's ride from Southampton, and within 100 miles of London. It was selected for the convocation of the King's Grand Council most likely because of its huge deer park, and proximity to farm lands and store house necessary to be able to provision and feed all those summoned by the king to attend the Council, namely archbishops, bishops, abbot, earls, barons and others, and all their retinue and horses. It was originally a hunting lodge set in a royal forest, but gradually during Henry II's reign it was developing into a major palace with a Great Hall having several ancillary buildings for accommodation, kitchens, wine cellars and so forth; note it was not a castle but a palace, defensive works were minimal. Becket was known to be lodged in Winchester at the time of the Council of Clarendon, January 1164.

Wording on the plaque erected on the site by Sir Henry Hervey Bathurst, owner of the land in 1844:-

"The building of which this fragment formed a part, was long a favourite residence of the English monarchs, and has been historically connected with many important transactions and distinguished characters. Among others, Philip, king of Navarre, here rendered the first homage which was paid to Edward I as king of France; and John, king of France, with David, king of Scots, spent here a portion of their captivity. More especially here were enacted the Constitutions of Clarendon,—the first barrier raised against the claims of secular jurisdiction by the see of Rome. The spirit awakened within these walls ceased not to operate till it had vindicated the authority of the laws, and accomplished the reformation of the Church of England. To prevent the entire destruction of so interesting a memorial of past ages, sirF. H. H. Bathurst, bart., caused it to be supported and strengthened, and this inscription to be affixed, A.D. 1844." 






Photoset 1 https://flic.kr/s/aHskvPJgDL Clarendon Palace May 1st 2016

Photoset 2 https://flic.kr/s/aHskzmtYi3 Clarendon Palace May 1st 2016

Photoset Clarendon Palace June 2017 https://goo.gl/photos/mXmQMUJ5HJi4FKz49




T. B. James; Christopher M. Gerrard (2007). Clarendon: landscape of kings. Windgather. ISBN 978-1-905119-11-0. 

Anthony Emery (2007). Discovering Medieval Houses. Osprey Publishing. pp. 25–. ISBN 978-0-7478-0655-4.

Anthony Emery (2007). Discovering Medieval Houses. Osprey Publishing. pp. 33–. ISBN 978-0-7478-0655-4.
  
Chronology; or, A concise view of the annals of England: Wherein every particular occurrence from the descent of Julius Cæsar, to the present time ... is ... recorded, with the date affixed: also, an exact chronology of the lives of the most eminent men, in all ages of the world. To which is added a plan of the Saxon heptarchy .... J. Almon. 1769. pp. 86–.

William Stukeley (1776). Itinerarium curiosum; or, An account of the antiquities, and remarkable curiosities in nature or art, observed in travels through Great Britain. Printed for Baker and Leigh. pp. 4–

John Steane (2014). The Archaeology of Medieval England and Wales. Clarendon Palace (incl. Plan): Routledge. pp. 13–15. ISBN 978-1-317-59994-4.

John Steane (2003). The Archaeology of the Medieval English Monarchy. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-64158-1.


The Cycle of Images in the Palaces and Castles of Henry III
Tancred Borenius
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes , Vol. 6, (1943) , pp. 40-50

Tancred Borenius and John Charlton (1936).
Clarendon Palace: An Interim Report.
The Antiquaries Journal / Volume 16 / Issue 01 / January 1936, pp 55-84

Nikolaus Pevsner; Bridget Cherry (1975). WiltshireClarendon Palace: Yale University Press. pp. 180–. ISBN 978-0-300-09659-0.

The Gentleman's Magazine. F. Jefferies. 1833. pp. 142–.

"Survey of the Manor and Forest of Clarendon" by Phillipps"Archaeologia:. Society of Antiquaries of London. 1834. pp. 151–8.



Peter Hall (1834). A brief history of Old and New Sarum. pp. 30–.


The Parliamentary Gazetteer of England and Wales A. Fullarton and Company. 1841. pp. 458–.

Archaeologia ; Or, Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to AntiquitySurvey of the Manor and Forest of Clarendon, Wiltshire, in 1272.: Society of Antiquaries of London. 1833. pp. 151–.



King Alfred's Archaeology:- The Clarendon Project - http://goo.gl/uLLmWN

T. B. James; Anne M. Robinson; Elizabeth S. Eames (1988). Clarendon Palace: the history and archaeology of a medieval palace and hunting lodge near Salisbury, Wiltshire. Society of Antiquaries of London. ISBN 978-0-85431-248-1.


T. B. James; Christopher Gerrard (2007). Clarendon: landscape of kings. Windgather. ISBN 978-1-905119-10-3.

John Nichols (1833). The Gentleman's Magazine. Survey of the Manor and Forest of Clarendon, Wilts.: E. Cave. pp. 142–.



Journal of the British Archaeological Association. British Archaeological Association. 1859. pp. 203–.

Historic England Clarendon Palace https://goo.gl/Ni6cor 

Clarendon Palace - Revolvy 









More images

http://www.british-history.ac.uk/sites/default/files/publications/pubid-1056/images/fig13.gif
fig13.gif (GIF Image, 2332 × 2669 pixels) - Scaled (23%) - http://bit.ly/1SG3dBd


http://www.british-history.ac.uk/sites/default/files/publications/pubid-1056/images/fig14.gif
fig14.gif (GIF Image, 1921 × 2026 pixels) - Scaled (31%) - http://bit.ly/1SG3BiS
 

SU1830 :: Browse 18 Images :: Geograph Britain and Ireland

Roman roads and other historic routes in vicinity of Clarendon Palace

Roman Roads in Britain by Thomas Codrington
Port-Way

Roman Road Hub at Calleva [Silchester]

Port-Way

Devil's Highway

Iter Britanniarum

Iter XV [2 Kms from Clarendon Palace]
Venta Belgarum [Winchester] <> Brige [Broughton] <> Sorbioduni [Old Sarum]
Antonine Itinerary for Britain [ Iter Britanniarum]

Monarch's Way

Modern access to Clarendon Palace is via footpath known as The Clarendon Way

Sunday 9 December 2018

Garnier Life of St. Thomas Becket Chapter List




Prologue                                                                                           Stanzas 1-33

Becket's Early Life                                                        Stanzas 34-79

Election to the Archepiscopacy                                                        Stanzas 80-119

Obtaining the Pallium                                                                       Stanzas 120-128

Fetching Becket's Pallium from the Pope, July 1162                         Stanzas 120-128

Council of Woodstock                                                      Stanzas 151-154

Councils of Westminster 1163 and Clarendon 1164                         Stanzas 166-207

Council of Clarendon January 1164                                                  Stanzas 185-209

John of Oxford's and Geoffrey Ridel's mission to the Pope              Stanzas 210-221

On Criminous Clerics                                                                         Stanzas 222-284

Court Case - John the Marshal v. Thomas Becket          Stanzas 277-292

State Trial of Becket at Northampton (Anglo-Norman)      Stanzas 293-397

State Trial of Becket at Northampton  (English)                         Stanzas 293-397

Becket's Flight into Exile                                                                    Stanzas 398-447

King's Delegation meets with the Pope                                            Stanzas 448-466

Becket in the Presence of the Pope at Sens                                      Stanzas 467-478


Henry's Anger at Thomas's Flight                                                     Stanzas 513-545

Peter's Pence                                                                             Stanzas 546-549

Coronation of the Young King                                                  Stanzas 550 - 556

Introduction to the Letters                                                              Stanzas 557-569

Garnier: Letter Becket to King Henry II, (Exspectans exspectavi)                  Stanzas 570-608

Becket to King Henry (Desiderio desideravi)                          Stanzas 609-636

Letter from the Bishop of London to Becket (Quae vestro)            Stanzas 637-664


Garnier on Custom                                                                                        Stanzas 714-722

Life of Thomas at Pontigny                                                              Stanzas 723-760

Becket at Sens                                                                           Stanzas 750-796

Attempts at Reconciliation                                                      Stanzas 797-814

Conference at Montmirail January 1169                                   Stanzas 815 -843

Reconciliation with King Henry at Fréteval                                        Stanzas 841-888

Meeting of Becket with King Henry at Tours                                     Stanzas 889-917

Becket Prepares to Leave for England, 11...                                       Stanzas 917-943

Becket's Return from Exile, December 1170.                             Stanzas 943-953

Becket tries to see the Young King                                            Stanzas 954 - 989

Christmastide 1170                                                                    Stanzas 990-1032

Becket's Martyrdom 29th December 1170                                Stanzas 1033-1131

Events Immediately After the Murder of Becket                              Stanzas 1132 -1171

Miracles, Pilgrimages and Souvenirs                                                Stanzas 1172 - 1182

King Henry's Penance before the Tomb of St Thomas Becket   Stanzas 1183-1218


Master Fermin's Vision and Epilogue                                               Stanzas 1219-1236




Garnier: Henry's Anger at Thomas's Flight


Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
https://goo.gl/xyem88
Stanzas 513-545
Lines 2561-

513
Or vus ai fait ici mult grant digressiun,
Car ne voil en l’estoire fere corruptiun.
Or m’estuet revenir ariere a ma raisun,
La u li sainz s’en fu fuïz de Northantun ;
2565 E que li reis en fist metrai en mun sermun.

514
Quant ot li reis Henris l’arcevesque s’en fuit,
Durement s’en marri, e si conseillier tuit.
Tuz les porz funt guaitier e de jur e de nuit,
Qu’il n’i puisse passer od plain chalant n’od vuit.
2570 Mais pur neent le fait, car Deus l’en ad conduit.

515
Quant nel poent trover en trestut’Engleterre,
Ne trover nel purrunt, s’a Sanz ne l’augent querre,
Sun mautalent e s’ire li reis mustre e desserre.
As parenz saint Thomas ad prise si grant guerre
2575 Que tuz les fist chacier hors de tute sa terre.

516
Tuz les en fist chacier, e hummes e muilliers,
Les clers enpersonez, burgeis e chevaliers,
Od filles e od fiz, od enfanz laiteniers.
Tut saisi en sa main, e terres e mustiers,
2580 E vif aveir e mort, blé, rentes e deniers.

517
Tute l’arcevesquié aveit il nis saisie,
En rentes e en fius, en autre manantie ;
E a Randuf del Broc l’a livree en baillie,
[80] Qui tute a l’ués le rei ad la rente cuillie.
2585 Del tut n’en pout aveir li sainz une demie.

518
De rien n’i pout aveir li sainz hum recovrier ;
Ne nuls de tuz ses clers n’i osa repairier,
Ne nuls des suens n’i out a beivre n’a mangier,
Ainz les ad fait li reis fors del païs chacier.
2590 Tut ad pris a sun ués tresqu’a un sul denier.

519
Ensi en sunt chacié li parent saint Thomas.
Vunt en autre païs dolent, chaitif e las,
E portent lur enfanz, lur robes e lur dras.
Veir se dit li vilains que « de si haut si bas » :
2595 Ainceis erent manant, or n’en i ad nul cras.

520
Li arcevesques sist un jor a sun mangier.
Sis mareschals li vint la novele nuncier
Que li reis out tut fait sun lignage esseillier :
Ainz tierz di en avreit plus d’un cent tut entier.
2600 Mais pur Deu l’en priout ne s’en volsist irier.

521
« Guilaume, se veïsse, fait li il, detrenchiez
Serganz pur ceste cause, e parenz eschorchiez,
E serurs e neveuz, n’en sereie esmaiez.
Car a seür sereie e bien certefïez
2605 Que salvé les avreit la divine pitiez. »

522
Ne pout en lui diables de nule part entrer.
Fait l’out de grant richesce e del païs jeter ;
Par sa char le voleit e par sun sanc trubler :
Par nul ennui ne pout sun esperit muer.
2610 Tut le mal qu’il suffri ne vus puet nuls mustrer.

523
Quant li sainz veit venir les suens a lui fuitiz,
E les enfanchunetz pendre as meres as piz,
E que lui e les suens aveit li reis proscriz,
Mielz volsist estre morz, mult fort est amatiz.
2615 Mais en Deu prent confort e es devins escriz.

524
Prist guarde a Habraam, a qui Deus comanda
Que de sa terre eissist ; e li bers s’en ala,
Guerpi ses conissanz, sa femme od sei mena.
Li reis pur sa beauté li toli e roba :
2620 Sauvement li rendi Deus e mult l’eshauça.

525
De Joseph li sovint, qui si altre noef frere
Vendirent pur deniers, e distrent a lur pere
Que devorez esteit d’icele beste fere.
Puis fu il en Egipte asez plus qu’enperere,
2625 E guari ses parenz de la famine amere.

526
E de l’enfant Jesu se prist a recorder,
Que li angles del ciel fist en Egypte aler
Pur la poür d’Erode, qui dunc fist decoler
Les enfanz de dous anz ; car Deu quida tuer.
2630 Mais es enfanz ne sout la deïté trover.

527
En teus essamples s’est granment reconfortez.
Mais nepurquant mult ert el corage trublez,
Quant essilliez esteit pur lui sis parentez ;
Kar pas n’aveit granz fius ne autres heritez
2635 Qu’il lur peüst duner ; tant fu plus esguarez.

528
En l’essil nepurquant li ad bien esteü :
Car li reis Loëwis l’a del tut maintenu,
Lui e les suens trové quanque mestier lur fu ;
E li barun franceis le runt tant succuru,
2640 Bien pout aidier as suens qui la furent venu.

529
Quant ot li reis Henris de la pape conter
Qu’il feseit par ses briefs les evesques mander,
A Clarendune ad fait sun concilie asembler.
Iluec voleit il faire as evesques jurer
2645 Que nul d’els pur apel ne passereit mais mer,

530
E qu’a pape Alissandre de rien n’obeïreient,
Ne pur ses mandemenz nule rien ne fereient,
Ne que nul de ses briés des or ne recevreient,
N’a Thomas ne as suens de rien nen aidereient.
2650 Il ne l’unt pas juré, mais ensi l’otrieient.

531
Li lai en furent mis par tut al serement.
(Rome est a Evrewic, Rogier a trop argent ;
Cil ad Angot od lui, dunc ad Rome en present !
Engleterre est enclose e de mer e de vent :
2655 Ne crient Deu ne ses sainz par un poi de turment.)

532
Encore aveit li reis comandé e bani
Que, s’en tute sa terre eüst clerc si hardi
Qui a Rume apelast, a l’ués le rei Henri
Sereient erramment tuit si chatel saisi
2660 E il mis en prisun, cum s’il eüst mal cri.

533
Tuit apeleient dunc la presence le rei,
Plaidouent en sa curt ; n’i aveit mot de lei.
Traitié erent iluec povre clerc a beslei,
Car l’iglise en porteit li riches ovec sei.
2665 Bien puis dire pur veir ço que jo oi e vei.

534
E li deniers saint Piere fu dunkes retenuz,
Si fu a l’eschekier e portez e renduz ;
Li rivages de mer guaitiez e purveüz :
Se nuls aportast brief, e fust aparceüz,
2670 Qui de Rume venist, tost fust pris e penduz.

535
Mais pluisur en i vindrent par le comandement
L’apostolie Alissandre, mais mult celeement,
Qui aporterent briefs, tel de castiement
De ço que li prelat errouent malement,
2675 Tel de suspensiun e tel de damnement.

536
Dunc manda saint Thomas ses evesques par cunte.
Nul d’els n’i volt aler fors Rogier, fiz le cunte.
Erramment passa mer senz cungié de vescunte ;
Ne fist a sun primat n’a saint’iglise hunte.
2680 Set anz fu en eissil ; mult enprunta a munte.

537
Or oez les capitles que li reis enveiad
As bailliz del païs ; e sis i aportad
Vualters de Grimesbi (li escriz le numad),
Vuimuns li chapelains, qui od li i alad.
2685 Tost vus avrai conté ço que escrit i ad :

538
Se nuls brief el païs de la pape aportast,
U que li arcevesques Thomas i enveiast,
Qui la cristïenté defendist ne veast,
Qu’il fust erramment pris e que l’um le guardast,
2690 Desque li reis Henris sun voil en commandast.

539
Se clers, muines, chanuines u convers passast mer,
Le brief a la justise l’en estuveit porter ;
E se nuls revolsist en Engleterre aler,
Le brief le rei portast qu’il volsist la passer.
2695 Senz ço le fesist l’um prendre e enprisuner.

540
Ne nuls nul mandement ne tenist ne guardast
Que pape u l’arcevesque Thomas i enveiast ;
Ne nuls lur mandement el païs n’aportast.
E se nul od tel brief clerc u lai encontrast,
2700 Qu’il fust pris erramment e qu’um l’enprisunast.

541
Se pape u l’arcevesque nului entredesist,
Se evesques u abes lur sentence tenist,
Clers u lais ensement, hors del païs fuïst
Od trestut sun lignage, k’un sul n’i remasist ;
2705 Rien n’eüssent del lur, mais li reis tut presist.

542
Li clerc qui orent rentes e lur possessiuns,
Qu’en chascune cunté fuissent treis feiz sumuns :
Se repairier volsissent as rentes n’as maisuns,
Ariere revenissent dedenz treis luneisuns,
2710 U tuz dis remansissent mais en chaitivesuns ;

543
Tut lur aveir avreit tresqu’a un sul denier
Li reis. – Car pur ço out fait cel ban denuncier,
Que li clerc saint Thomas n’osouent repairier ;
E par cele sumunse les voleit esluignier
2715 E a tuz dis del tut proscrire e essillier. –

544
Li evesques de Lundres e cil de Norewiz
Fuissent sumuns a dreit, ço ruva li escriz,
Par devant les justises que li reis out esliz,
Par quel raisun quens Hue ert par els entrediz
2720 Sur decrez que li reis out el regne establiz.

545
– Veez cum grant dolur, quel mort e quel juïse
Suffreit a icel tens la sainte mere iglise :
Que sa dreiture faire n’osout ne sa justise ;
E s’ele le fesist, la venjance en fust prise.
2725 Pur les dreiz sa mere a li fiz sa teste mise. –

Garnier: John of Oxford's and Geoffrey Ridel's mission to the Pope


Extract from
Stanzas 210 - 221
Lines 1046 - 1105

210
Quant veit li reis Henris del tut est repuiez,
Vers l'arceveske fu mult durement iriez,
E a pris sun conseil cument il ert pleissiez :
Mult volentiers se fust, së il poiist, vengiez.
Dune fu de mais engins sis conseilz esforciez : 1050

211
Dune li unt conseillié e privé e baron
S'il pôeit de la pape aver grëanteison
Qu' a celui d'Everwiz doinst la légation,
L'arceverke purra pleissir tut a bandon :
Tut vendra a son pié, u bien voile u non. 1055

212
Dune a dous de ses clers a la pape enveiez,
Johan d'Oxeneford, ki esteit travailliez,
E dan Geffrei Ridel, ki ert apareilliez
Del message furnir ki lur esteit chargiez.
A l'apostoile vont. Il les a repuiez, 1060

213
Car l'iglise, ceo dit, de Seinte Ternité
Fu e est e deit estre de grant auctorité ;
Aine cele d'Everwiz n'ot sur li pôesté,
Ne par lui n'en avra en trestut sun eé ;
Ne unkes cil dui prélat n'orent ami esté. 1065

214
Mes li uns des messages fu forment malveisiez :
A la pape jura sur sainz, agenuilliez,
De la legatïun se li reis n'esteit liez,
Si tost cum les verreit el pais repairiez,
L'arceveske serreit del chief amenuisiez. 1070

215
Mes l'apostoile fu hum de mult grant saveir.
Veit k'um deit fere mal pur le pis remaneir ;
Dit la legatïun fera al rei aveir,
Mes de nullui grever n'avra pur ceo pôeir,
Ne celui d'Everwiz n'i purra asëeir. 1075

216
Car unes altres lettres erranment escrivra,
En la tere a un sun privé les tramettra.
E se li reis Henris nullui grever voldra
Par sa légation, défendre lui fera.
Ja sa légation mestier ne li avra. 1080

217
Li mesagier le rei furent mult vezïé.
Quant virent qu'il esteient ensi poi avancié,
L'apostôlie Alissandre unt ensi araisnié :
« Sire, li reis vus ad porté grant amistié.
Bien l i devriez faire ço qu'il vus ad preié. 1085

218
Kar li reis nel fait pas pur nului deposer,
Mais pur ço qu’il voldreit l’arcevesque mater
E a sa volenté, s’il poeit, aturner ;
E qu’il li peüst bien, veant ses clers, mustrer
Que il le purreit bien, se il voleit, grever. 1090

219– Autre legatiun, fait lur il, n’i avrez. »
Il fist ses briefs escrire, si lur aveit livrez.
En Engleterre vunt, al rei les unt mustrez.
Quant vit qu’il ne purra faire ses volentez,
Mult aveit poi ces briefs e preisiez e amez. 1095

220
Il en fist nepurquant mainte feiz mustreisun,
Quel virent li evesque, li cunte e li barun ;
Si lur diseit : « Veez, j’ai la legatiun.
L’arcevesque puis metre en grant confundeisun. »
Mais il ne li pot faire nul’altre greveisun. 1100

Translation

210
When king Henry saw he [Becket] had totally rejected everything, he became very very fiercely angry with the archbishop, and took counsel how he might subdue him. Very willingly he would seek vengeance, if it were possible, but then the counsels that he had received were reinforced with evil scheming. 1050

211
For then it was both his inner council and barons who had advised him, that if he could, from the Pope obtain a promise that if he, [the archbishop] of York, could be appointed [papal] legate [to England], archbishop [Becket] could be, at his pleasure, be brought totally under [his] control, completely well made to come [to fall at] his feet, whether he wanted [to do] it or not. 1055

Rough and Provisional Translation

210
When the king realized that his request was totally rejected, he was extremely angry with the archbishop, and took the advice of his council to find out how he might defeat him. The whole council was seized with malice; and if he could, he would gladly have exacted revenge. 1050

211
So his privy councillors and the magnates of the kingdom recommended to him, if he could, to obtain from the Pope the promise of giving the papal legateship to the Archbishop of York; through whom he could bend Archbishop Thomas to his will, whereby he would have to come, whether he liked it or not, to kiss his feet. 1055

212
The king sent two of his clerics to the pope. John of Oxford and Master Geoffrey Ridel went to great lengths to fulfill the mission they were charged with. They met the pope who rejected their request. 1060

213
The Church of the Holy Trinity [Canterbury], in fact, according to him, had, and must have great authority; never has that of York exercised any sovereignty over her, and never, in her lifetime, will he consent to allow it. Moreover never had these two prelates come to an agreement. 1065

214
One of the envoys, however, was most treacherous. Kneeling, he swore [an oath] to the pope, on relics, that if the king were not satisfied with their embassy, as soon as they returned to the country, the archbishop would be beheaded. 1070

215
But the pope was a man of very good [and great] sense. He saw clearly that one must choose between two evils to avoid the worst. He says that he will provide the king with the legateship; but he will not, for all that, have the opportunity [power] to punish anyone, or grant it to the Archbishop of York. 1075

216
He will write another letter at once and send it to Great Britain to one of his trusted men. And if King Henry wants to use the legateship to harm anyone, the pope will oppose it. His legate will never [be allowed to] serve him in this way. 1080

217
The messengers of the king were very crafty. When they saw that they were making but little progress, they addressed these words to Pope Alexander: <<The King has testified towards Your Holiness a great friendship. You should give him what he has asked you to. 1085

218
Indeed the king does not ask you to dismiss someone, but because he wants the archbishop put down and, if possible, [to force him] to submit him to his will he might, in front of his clerics, show his capacity to do harm to him, if that were his will. 1090

219
<<You will not obtain,>> he answered, <<a legateship with wider powers [from me].>> He had the letters [to the king of appointment of the legate] written and entrusted them to them. They went back to England and showed them to the king. When he saw that he could not do what he planned, he gave little esteem and value to these letters. 1095

220
He did, however, mention it on many occasions, [and ensured] that bishops, counts, and barons saw them; he said to them, <<See, I have the [papal] legate. I can put the Archbishop in a difficult situation.>> But he could not bring against him any other accusation. 1100

221
He conceived a great spite at being unable to do anything else, and sent the missives back to Pope Alexander. He waged a fierce war against the clerics and Holy Church, tormenting the clergy wherever he could, and testifying that the archbishop was his mortal enemy.

Alernative Rough Translation

210 Seeing himself thus rejected, King Henry flew into a terrible rage against the archbishop. He asked his council how to bend him [to his will], for he wanted to avenge himself, if he could. [As a consequence] his advice was rich with deceit:

211 Private advisers and notables told him that if he could obtain from the pope that he granted the [papal] legateship to the archbishop of York, he would have the archbishop of Canterbury submit as he pleased, so much so that he would have to throw himself helplessly at his feet.

212 The king sent two of his clerics, John of Oxford and Geoffrey Ridel, to the pope, who performed the mission they were charged with: they went to the pope, but they were saved,

213 <<Because,>> said the pope, <<the Church of the Holy Trinity [Canterbury] had always been, was, and would be of great authority, never had York had any power over her, and whilst he lived him, she would not receive it. The two titular prelates had never agreed.>>

214
But one of the envoys was very devious. He fell on his knees before the pope, he swore on holy relics that if the king was not satisfied with the legateship, the archbishop would have his head cut off as soon as the mission returned to the country.

215
The pope was a man of great wisdom. He saw that it was necessary to do evil to avoid the worst, and replied that the King would obtain the required legateship, but without it having the power to injure anyone, nor that of installing the Archbishop of York as the legateship.

216
In fact, the pope would immediately write another letter, which he would send to the country to one of his relatives, who would be in charge if necessary to prevent King Henry from using the legation to harm someone: his Legation would never be of any use to him.

217
Seeing that they were making so little progress, the envoys were very cunning, addressing Pope Alexander in these words: <<Lord, the King does not cease to testify a great attachment to you: you should answer his prayer well,

218 
>>Because he does not act in order to dismiss someone; but he would like to have the archbishop submit, and see if he can rally him to his will, if, however, he needs to be able to demonstrate to his clerics, that he could very well harm him if he wanted to.>>

219
 <<You will not get any other legateship here.>> Said the Pope. The pope had his letter written and handed it to them. They returned to England and explained it to the king. When he realized that he could not carry out his plans, he held this document in a sorry light.

220
He made many displays of it, however, so as to have it seen by the bishops, counts, and notables; he said to them: <<See, I have the legateship. I can put the Archbishop in great embarrassment.>> But he was not able to cause him any injury.

221
As it was very painful for him not to profit more from this letter, he sent it back to Pope Alexander, and fought hard against the clergy and the Holy Church, molesting the clergy on every occasion and hounding the archbishop to death.


References

Ridel, Geoffrey (d.1189) (DNB00) - Wikisource,

Geoffrey Ridel (bishop of Ely) - Wikipedia

John of Oxford - Wikipedia

Oxford, John of (DNB00) - Wikisource

Edward Foss (1848). The Judges of England: With Sketches of Their Lives, and Miscellaneous Notices Connected with the Courts at Westminster, from the Time of the Conquest. Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. pp. 288–.

Edward Foss (1848). The Judges of England: With Sketches of Their Lives, and Miscellaneous Notices Connected with the Courts at Westminster, from the Time of the Conquest. Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. pp. 133–.

John Morris (1885). The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Thomas Becket. Chapter XIV Negotiations: Burns and Oates. pp. 114–.


Materials for the history of Thomas Becket Volume V pp.85-6 Epistola 50 [MTB 50]

Materials for the history of Thomas Becket, Volume V pp 91-2 Epistola 53 [MTB 53]






Thursday 22 November 2018

Garnier: Becket at Sens

Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
https://goo.gl/xyem88
Stanzas 750-796
Lines 3746 - 3980


750
Sire, fet li li abes, ne vus en cureciez.
Ja pur cest mandement n’en serez esluiniez
Ke vus e tut li vostre a grant plenté n’aiez
Kanke mestier vus est, mielz k’ainz ne solïez.
3750 – Gré, fet il, vus en sace la divine pitiez. »

751
Al rei de France ad un cel afaire mustré,
Coment li reis l’aveit de Punteigni osté.
Quant li reis l’ad oï, Deu en ad mercïé ;
[116] Or dunra l’arcevesque, s’il l’a en volenté,
3755 Ço qu’il li out sovent offert e presenté.

752
Car quant il fu de primes d’Engleterre fuitis,
Li reis de France l’a soventefeiz requis,
E par li e par autres, par clers e par hiamis,
Qu’entur lui remansist el regne saint Denis ;
3760 De quanqu’avreit mestier ne sereit point mendis.

753
Mais les offres le rei n’a il dunkes pas pris,
Car il cremi forment que li fiers reis Henris
Ne desist qu’il se fust e alïez e mis,
Tut pur li guerreier, od le rei Loëwis.
3765 Mais de ses offres prendre ne sera mais eschis.

754
Quant ot li reis de France qu’ensi l’en chacerunt,
Or le purra aveir, juint ses mains contremunt ;
Deu en a mercïé, qui guverne le mund.
« Jo crei, fait il, encore que angeles meskerrunt. »
3770 Pur les monies le dist, ki ensi ovré unt.

755
Mais li reis Loëwis sur sun cheval munta,
Prist ses hummes od li, a Punteigni ala.
Od le saint arcevesque dedenz capitle entra.
L’abé e tuz les monies durement mercia
3775 Del honur que li ber entur els trové a.

756
Car mult unt fait, ço dit, a France grant honur
De ço k’unt receté entr’els cel bon seignur.
Ne volt des ore mais qu’il aient la haür
Del rei Henri, quis volt deserter pur s’amur ;
3780 Or volt qu’il ait od lui des ore le sujur.

757
E dit qu’il le voldra a Sanz od sei mener ;
Quanque mestier li ert li fera tut trover,
E a lui e as suens, quanqu’il devront user.
Quant li seignur oïrent qu’il s’en deveit aler,
3785 De pitié comencierent tut li plus a plurer.

758
Dunc fist li reis a Sanz ses homes enveier
[117] Tresqu’a Sainte Columbe, e fist apareillier
Maisuns u li sainz huem se peüst herbergier.
Dunc furent apelé sergant e buteilier,
3790 Que del suen li trovassent kank’il avreit mestier.

759
Quant li reis Loëwis fu bien aseürez
Qu’il avreit l’arcevesque, en France est returnez.
E l’arcevesques s’est de sun eire aprestez.
A Sainte Columbe est od sa maisnie alez.
3795 Tant cum il fu od els, mult i fu honurez.

760
De Sainte Columbe est juste Sanz l’abeïe,
Qui de neirs monies est e faite e establie.
Quatre anz i fu li ber, qui en Deu sul s’afie.
N’a empeirié de rien ne ses murs ne sa vie.
3800 A l’abé e as monies plut mult sa conpaignie. –

761
Quant veit li reis Henris qu’il purra remaneir
Od le rei Loëwis, qui tut sun estuveir
Li trova, e as suens, de sun demeine aveir,
El quer en fu dolenz, jel vus di tut pur veir.
3805 N’i remaindra, s’il puet. Tut i mist sun poeir.

762
Dunc fist sun fil Henri en France al rei aler,
E hume al fiz le rei devint, cumme sis ber,
Que il tendreit de lui la terre d’ultre mer.
Dunc veïssez entr’els les beaubelez duner
3810 E les chiens enveier e les oisaus porter.

763
E as baruns de France duna tant reis Henris
Que par granment doner les fist tuz ses amis,
E tut quida aveir le conseil del païs.
Dunc unt entr’els li rei un parlement asis,
3815 Qui fu a Saint Legier en Iveline pris.

764
Iluekes sunt andui lïé e ajusté
Qu’il serunt mais amis en estabilité ;
E d’ambes parz i furent li serement juré
Que nul d’els ne tendreit des ore en sun regné
[118] 3820 Nul enemi a l’altre. Dunc s’en sunt returné.

765
Un altre parlement unt a Turs purparlé ;
Mais n’i sunt pas Franceis a cele feiz alé.
Car al rei Loëwis fu pur ço desloé
Qu’il n’aveit el païs castel ne fermeté ;
3825 Ne sorent que li reis d’Engleterre ot pensé.

766
Dunc l’a li reis Henris de covent apelé ;
Dit que ne li tint pas ço qu’il li out juré,
Sun enemi mortel quant tant l’a receté,
Felun e traïtur de trestut sun regné.
3830 Li reis dit que d’iço n’i out ainc mot soné,

767
Ne que li arcevesques n’i fu amenteüz,
E qu’il li out tresbien ses covenanz tenuz ;
Mais se de felunie fust nuls huem convencuz,
E par jugement fust de sun païs eissuz,
3835 Qu’en nul liu de lur terres ne sereit retenuz.

768
Quant l’arcevesques ot que chacier le voldra
Li reis Henris, de France, e que tant s’en pena,
Ses briés ad fait escrire, e puis si li manda
Que pur neent s’en peine : ja pain ne li toldra ;
3840 Deus l’en durra asez, qui ja ne li faldra.

769
Car uns huem vint a li qui mult le conforta,
Qui tut sun estuveir, ço dit, li trovera,
E a vint homes plus encore qu’il n’en a.
E cinc cenz livres ultre de deniers li durra,
3845 Dunt ses altres busoines privees furnira.

770
Uns altres li pramist altresi grant honur,
Que ja ne li falsist pur nul humme a nul jur.
N’il ne cremi les reis, l’Engleis ne le Francur,
Aleman ne Tïeis, ne duc n’empereür.
3850 Mais li buens reis de France le retint a sujur.

771
Par un jur quant mult fu penez en oreisun
E par devant l’autel jut en afflictiun,
[119] Cum il esteit a us, od grant devotiun,
S’aparut Deus a lui en veire mustreisun,
3855 Si l’apela dous feiz Thomas, par sun dreit nun.

772
« En tun sanc, fist li il, m’iglise eshauceras.
– Qui es, Sire, fait il, qui ci visité m’as ?
– Jo sui Jesu, tis frere. Tu glorifieras
M’iglise par tun sanc, e eshaucié seras.
3860 – Einsi iert a mun voil », ço respondi Thomas.

773
E a Sainte Columbe un’autre feiz sunga,
Sil me mustra pur veir cil qui il le conta :
En consistorie estut en plait, ço li sembla,
E encontre le rei d’Engleterre plaida,
3865 E li reis durement en cause le greva.

774
Hylaires de Cicestre le greva durement,
Gilebert Foliot de Lundres ensement ;
Li cardenal se tindrent al rei communement,
Si qu’en tute la curt n’out nul maintienement,
3870 Fors de pape Alissandre, kil maintint sulement.

775
Mais tant cria vers els, il vers li altresi,
Que tuz fu enroez de la noise e del cri.
Hylaires de Cicestre en la cause amuï ;
A l’evesque de Lundres tute la char purri,
3875 Que par menues pieces tuz sis cors dechaï.

776
Dunc fist saint Thomas prendre li reis senz nul demur
E escorchier le chief a cutaus tut entur.
Mais li ber n’i senteit anguisse ne dolur ;
E pur ço qu’il s’en rist, fu li reis en irur.
3880 E li sainz s’esveilla, qui fu en esfreür.

777
En la cause veïmes l’apostolie afeblir,
Qu’il ne pout l’arcevesque contre tuz maintenir ;
Hylaire de Cicestre veïmes amuïr
E repentir del mal qu’il out fait al martir.
[120] 3885 Or se guart cil de Lundres, ne vienge al dechaïr !

778
Mais jo quit dire veir de cele decaance :
Petit e petit est venuz a repentance ;
E ço est de la char par parz l’amenuissance.
Mais guart sei qu’il en face la pleniere amendance ;
3890 Altrement en prendra Deus la dreite vengance.

779
Li sainz huem fu sis anz en estrange contree.
Mult aveit dure vie e sufferte e menee ;
Neïs a ses privez l’aveit il mult celee.
Poi i ot, e des lais e de la gent letree,
3895 Fors sul treis, ki il ait sa vie demustree.

780
Li sainz huem ne fist mie ses servanz esveillier
Al main a sun lever, n’al vestir n’al chalcier.
A sun premier labur en alout al mustier,
Honestement faiseit le Damnedeu mestier ;
3900 Cel ne voleit il pas pur altre rien laissier.

781
Entur midi chantout sa messe chascun jur ;
Del tut ert ententifs a servir sun Seignur.
Tut le plus del jur ert en un suen oratur,
Dedenz une chambrete, u faiseit sun labur.
3905 E fermout l’uis sur sei. Mes n’ert pas a sujur.

782
Quant ert entré laenz, dunc jut en oreisun
E en plur e en lermes e en afflictiun.
Ne sout nul la maniere de sun mal, se Deu nun,
Que il faiseit al cors, ne de la passiun.
3910 Del tut esteit li bers en contemplatiun.

783
De cele chambre isseit a ure de mangier,
Ne mie pur sun cors emplir ne encreissier,
Mais pur ço qu’il voleit sa maisnie haitier,
Les povres fameillus veeir e aaisier.
3915 Car sun estre voleit e covrir e muscier.

784
Le meillur vin usout que il trover poeit,
Mais pur le freit ventrail eschaufer le beveit ;
[121] Car le ventrail aveit, e le cors, forment freit.
E gingibre e girofre a puignies mangeit ;
3920 Nepurquant tut adès l’euve od le vin medleit.

785
E quant levez esteit li sainz huem de la table,
N’aveit cure d’oïr de chançun ne de fable
Ne de nul’altre chose, s’ele ne fust verable.
Mielz ameit a oïr del rei espiritable
3925 E guarder as escriz qui erent parmenable.

786
Quant veneit que li jurs ert en la nuit plungiez,
E li liz saint Thomas esteit apareilliez,
Desus un chaelit qui tut esteit quiriez,
D’une cuilte purpointe, d’un poi d’estraim junchiez,
3930 E de chiers linges dras e blancs e delïez.

787
Dunc ert en oreisun l’arcevesque Thomas
E en afflictiun, tant qu’il esteit tut las ;
E a la nue terre se culchout en ses dras
Que il aveit le jur ; ne changout altres pas.
3935 Ne cunurent sa vie ne li halt ne li bas.

788
D’aspre haire aveit braies, de peil de chievre gros ;
D’un’altre haire aveit trestut sun cors enclos,
E les braz e les chutes e le ventre e le dos.
La vermine i esteit a torkes e a tors,
3940 Qui ne laissout aveir a sa char nul repos.

789
Encor faiseit il plus al cors mal endurer :
Chascune nuit faiseit sa char discipliner,
As curgies trenchanz e batre e descirer.
Robert de Meretune en sot le veir cunter,
3945 Qui saint’obedïence n’en osout trespasser.

790
Robert de Meretune sis chapelains esteit.
Mult li esteit privez ; en sa chambre giseit.
Mais quant vint a la mort, e vit le grant destreit,
Dunc a primes gehi ; car afïé l’aveit
[122] 3950 Qu’en trestut sun vivant sun estre ne dirreit.

791
Quant Robert ert culchiez, e deüst reposer,
Tantes afflictiuns, ço dist, perneit li ber,
Bien le tierz de la nuit ne voleit il cesser ;
Dunc veneit a Robert e sil faiseit lever,
3955 Baillout lui les curgies a lui discipliner.

792
Quant tant l’aveit batu qu’il esteit tut lassez
E de pitié conpunz, d’anguisse tresuez,
Getout jus les curgies od tuz les chiefs nuez.
« Chaitif, faiseit il dunc, pur quei fui unches nez ?
3960 De tuz les chaitifs sui li plus mal eürez. »

793
Mais quant li chapelains s’esteit alez culchier,
Sainz Thomas nel voleit encor a tant laissier :
Il meïmes perneit sun cors a depescier,
A l’une de ses mains sa char a detrengier.
3965 Poi li fu de la char, tant out le quer entier.

794
E cil Roberz gehi, quant dut estre confès,
Puis que li sainz reçut del sacrement le fes,
K’ainc puis ne fu un jur u nuit qu’il eüst pes,
Que il ne fust batuz cinc feiz u quatre adès,
3970 U treis a tut le mains ; n’en volt aveir relès.

795
Tele vie mena li huem Nostre Seignur.
Mais rebainnez esteit al quarantisme jur ;
Sa haire remuot pur vers e pur suur,
Un’altre reperneit, qu’il out mis en sujur.
3975 Pur Deu suffri adès e mesaisse e dolur.

796
Tele vie mena li sainz huem e suffri,
N’a nul humme suz ciel nel mustra ne gehi,
Fors a Brun sun vaslet, si cum dire l’oï,
Qui ses haires lava e de ço le servi,
3980 E Robert sun proveire, qui les nuiz le bati. –


Rough Translation

750
"My grace," replied the abbot [of Pontigny], "do not be angry at this situation. Never will this injunction be enough to keep you away from us: you and yours will have in abundance, even better than before, all the goods you need. "May the divine mercy be grateful to you," answered Thomas.

751
This affair was reported to the King of France. He was shown how the King of England had driven Thomas from Pontigny. When the king heard it, he thanked God for it as henceforth he would be able to give the archbishop, if he so desired it, what he had often offered him.

752
Not long after Thomas had fled from England, the King of France had often begged him, personally or through clergy or friends, to remain by his side in the kingdom protected by Saint Denis, [saying that] he would not have to beg for what he needed.

753
But Thomas did not accept the King's offers, for he feared that the fierce King Henry would pretend that he had entered into an alliance with the King of France for the sole purpose of making war on him. Now, indeed, he will no longer [have any reason to] refuse to accept his proposals.

754
When the King of France learnt that they were going to drive him [Becket] out of the monastery [at Pontigny] and that he couldnow have him by his side, he raised raising his joined hands to heaven. He thanked God who governs the world. <<I believe,>> he added, <<there are still angels who are unfaithful.>> So he said, thinking of the monks who have acted so badly.

755
Then King Louis mounted his horse, took his men with him, and went to Pontigny. Accompanied by the holy archbishop, he entered the chapter house. He warmly thanked the abbot and all the monks for the signs of honour which they had reserved for the holy man.

756
They have done great honour for the kingdom of France, he said, when they have brought amongst them this good prelate. From now on he did not want them to be the victims of the hatred of King Henry who wants to ruin them because of the friendship they had for Thomas; that he now wants him to stay at his court.

757
He announced that he wanted to take him with him to Sens and that he would provide him and his familiars with everything that they need. When the monks learned that he has to leave, sadly most of them started to cry.

758
Then the king sent his men to the abbey of Sainte-Colombe, near Sens, and prepared apartments to house the holy man. Servants and butlers were summoned to furnish him with all the necessities of the royal bounty.

759
When King Louis had obtained assurance that the [abbey of Sainte-Colombe] would receive the Archbishop, he returned to France. The archbishop prepared to make the trip. Accompanied by his following, he went to Sainte-Colombe. As long as he lived in this monastery, he was particularly honoured.

760
The abbey of Sainte-Colombe, is one the houses of black Benedictines. It is located near Sens; the good man, who relies only on God, stayed there for four years. he abandoned nothing of the rigour of his manners and life. The abbot and the monks were full of praise for having him amongst them.

761
When King Henry realized that Thomas could prolong his stay with King Louis, who had placed his own property at his disposal and at the disposal of his familiars, he suffered in his heart, I assure you ever so formally. If he could, he would prevent him from staying there, so he did not hesitate to use all his strength to achieve this end

762
He then sent his son Henry to the court of France, where he paid homage to the son of King Louis, promising him, as his vassal, to hold of him the possessions he held overseas [in France]. You would then have seen between them a great exchange of presents; they sent [each other] jewels, dogs and birds for hunting.

763
The King of England gave so much to the great lords of France, that, by his largesse, he acquitted them all with his friendship, and thus thought himself master of the whole council of the kingdom. The kings then agreed to hold between them an assembly which was to meet at Saint-Léger-en-Yvélines.

764
There they made an agreement that they would now be friends in a sustainable way; they swore never to tolerate in their kingdom the presence of any man who was the enemy of their ally; then they returned.

765
They had agreed to hold another assembly at Tours; but this time the French refrained from participating. It was indeed remarked to King Louis that he had no castle or fortified place in this region. They did not know what the King of England had planned.

766
Then King Henry recalled the King of France to his promises. He reproached him for not being faithful to his oath, since he had received with so much pleasure that he was his mortal enemy, a felon and a traitor to all his kingdom. King Louis replied that no one had ever said a word about it,

767
that the archbishop had not been mentioned in the agreement and that he had, for his part, scrupulously respected his commitments. He confirmed, on the other hand, that any individual convicted of felony who was banished from his country by the sentence of a tribunal would not find an asylum in any place of their kingdoms.

768
When the archbishop knew that King Henry was trying to drive him out of France, and that he devoted so much trouble to realizing this project, he informed him by letter that he was getting tired for nothing: he would never deprive him of his bread; God, who would never abandon him, would provide him with enough.

769
For there came a man to him, comforting him; sayin he would lavish on him everything that he could need, and even as much as twenty men more than his own followers. In addition, he would give him five hundred livres in cash for his personal use.

770
Another, in that same way, promised to treat him with very much honour, and never to abandon him despite anyone else; he did not fear kings, neither England, nor France, nor the Germans from the south or the north, nor the duke, nor the emperor. But the good king of France did not cease to assure him his retirement.

771
One day, when Thomas had broken down in prayer and was afflicted, he prostrated himself before the altar, according to his custom in a great impulse of devotion. God really appeared to him and twice called him "Thomas", his very name.

772
<<With your blood,>> he said, <<you will elevate my Church. - Who are you, my lord, you who come here to visit me? - I am Jesus your brother. You will glorify my Church with your blood and you will be sanctified.>>
<<So be it, I accept it,>> answered Thomas.

773
At Sainte-Colombe he had a second dream; the one whom he reported it to assured me the authenticity of the information: it seemed to him that he made a plea before the Pope's consistory, and that his adversary was the king of England; the king made very serious accusations against him.

774
Hilary, bishop of Chichester, and Gilbert Foliot, bishop of London, overwhelmed him with grievances; the cardinals were in common cause with the king, so that in all this court Thomas could not find anyone to defend him there, except for Pope Alexander, who alone supported him.

775
But there was so much shouting on both sides that, by dint of shouting in this racket, he was hoarse. Hilaire de Chichester, during the trial, lost the faculty of speaking and all the flesh of the bishop of London began to rot so that his whole body was ragged.

776
Then the king hastened to seize Saint Thomas and made him skin the circumference of the head with a knife. This torture did not cause the archbishop any trouble or pain; and the king who saw him laughing became mad with anger. The saint who was frightened by this dream awoke then.

777
We saw the pope lose his power in the trial because he could not support the archbishop against all. We saw Hilaire de Chichester become dumb and repent of the May he had done to the martyr. Now let the Bishop of London beware of falling apart!

778
However, from this physical lapse, I propose an interpretation that seems right to me; little by little he has come to repent. This is the progressive destruction of his body. However, let him make sure that he is completely ameliorated; otherwise God will take a justified vengeance-

779
The holy man stayed abroad for six years. He had suffered and endured a very painful life; even to his intimates he had carefully concealed it. There were no laymen or clerics, except three people, to whom he revealed his life.

780
He did not wake his servants in the morning when he got up, nor to dress, nor to put on shoes. His first task was to go to church and scrupulously celebrate the divine service; for nothing in the world he did not want to give it up.

781
Around noon, every day, he sang his Mass; in all he was careful to serve his Lord. He spent most of the day in his oratory, in a small room where he worked. He locked himself in but did not rest.

782
When he had entered it, he was crumbling in prayers, in tears, in tears, and in affliction. There was only God who knew the nature of the torments he inflicted on his body and the extent of his sufferings. The archbishop lived in a perfect state of contemplation.

783
From this room he went out at mealtime, not to feed himself and fatten the body, but because he wanted to please his entourage, see and relieve the poor hungry. He wanted to conceal and keep secret the way he lived.

784
He drank the best wine he could find, but he drank it to dispel the cold that gripped his belly; because he had the belly and the body, prone to ice. He consumed ginger force and cloves; however, he always cut his wine with water.

785
The saintly man, after having risen from the table, did not care to hear songs, stories, or other works, unless it were true stories. He preferred to hear about the King of Heaven and to study the writings of which the truth was eternal.

786
When the time came when the day was giving way to the night, the bed of St. Thomas was being prepared; on a bedstead which was entirely covered with leather, a little straw, a short-stitch and rich sheets of white and fine linen were spread out.

vv. 3931 to 3960

787
Then the archbishop began to pray and grieve until he was worn out with fatigue; he lay down on the ground, preserving the clothes he wore during the day; for he did not wear others to sleep. Neither the great lords nor the poor people knew his life.

788
He wore goatskin underwear on his legs, coarse, rough, and mortifying; another haire enveloped his whole body, his arms, his elbows, his belly, and his back; the vermin swarmed in packets and left no rest for his flesh.

789
He did more to torment his body: he was disciplined every night, he was beaten and tearing with sharp strips. Robert de Merton knew how to relate the truth, he who did not dare to break the rules of silence imposed by holy obedience.

790
Robert de Merton, who was his chaplain, lived in his privacy and slept in his room. However, when the hour of his death came and he became aware of his distress, only then did he confess the truth; for he had promised the archbishop not to reveal anything, as long as he lived, of his private life.

791
When Robert was in bed, at the hour when he was supposed to rest, the holy man inflicted himself, according to Robert, so many punishments that he did not cease to impose them for a good third of the night; He came to find Robert, made him get up, and gave him the thongs to strike him.

792
When he had  thrashed him to the point of being weary, seized with pity and sweating with anguish, he threw on the ground the scourge which ended in knots. <<Wretch,>> said he, <<why was I born? Of all the wretches I am the most unfortunate.>>

793
But when his chaplain had gone to bed, St. Thomas still did not want to put an end to his torment: he himself began to bruise his body, tearing his flesh with his hands. He did not care much for the flesh, so strong was his soul.

794
And Robert confessed, when he came to confession, that, from the day the holy man was ordained, he did not pass a day or a night without being beaten four or five times - at least three times; he never wished to have a respite.

795
This is the life that led the man of God. Every forty days he took a bath; because of sweat and vermin, he changed his way; he took back another which he had put to rest. For God, pain and suffering never ceased.

796
Such is the life that the holy man led and endured, but he did not share it with anyone in the world except his valet Brun who, as I have heard, was busy washing his haires. and his chaplain Robert, who was hitting him during the night.

797
The glorious king of France, during this time, diligently employed to reconcile Saint Thomas and King Henry. The pope often sent letters to those who attended the meetings to reach a conciliation

798
A meeting was held at Pontoise; the pope, therefore, went to Paris; the archbishop attended, whose case was the object of this meeting. But when King Henry knew for sure that the Pope would take part in the meeting, he turned back.

Alternative Rough Translation

749 <<But may the meek Jesus be grateful to you for the kindness that you and yours have shown me and mine: we have had nothing to lack for, neither food and clothing. God will guide me, because he is always at my side: He slaughters the proud and takes away the poor from the waste pit.>>

750 << My lord,>> said the abbot, <<do not fret. You will not be sent away from here anytime soon because of this letter. You will receive in plenty, and more than before, all that you need for yourself and yours. May the Divine Mercy bring grace upon you! >>

751 The matter was reported to the King of France, who thus learned how Thomas had been expelled from Pontigny. He gave thanks to God, for if the Archbishop wanted it, he was now [able] to give him what he had often offered and wished to give him.

752 Indeed, soon after Thomas had fled from England, the King of France repeatedly invited him, directly or through clerks and friends, to stay near his home in the kingdom of Saint Denis, saying that he would not need to beg for sustenance!

753 At the time Thomas had not accepted these proposals from the King, because he feared that his haughty sovereign would say that he made an alliance with Louis for the sole purpose of attacking him. But now he would not refuse to accept his offer.

754 When the King of France heard that he was going to be cast out, in order that he could receive him at home he raised his hands towards heaven, clasping them together, thanking God, He who governs the world.  <<I cry,>> he said <<that there are still angels who fall [from Grace].>>, for he said it was the monks who had thus done it.

755 Then King Louis rode on horseback and, with his men, to Pontigny. He went into the chapter house with the holy archbishop, and thanked the abbot and all the monks warmly for having offered him an honorable situation amongst them.

756 For in giving him asylum, as they have done, he said, brought great honour to France. But he does not want them now to be prey to the hatred of King Henry, who wants to expel them because of the good prelate, that he now wanted him to establish himself henceforth at his home.

757 It was his will to take him to Sens and give him everything that he and his familiars would need. When the reverend fathers heard that Thomas was about to leave, most of them began to cry with pity.

758 The king then sent his men to Sens, as far as Sainte-Colombe, to prepare apartments for where the holy man could live. And he ordered those who were to take care of him to find everything that he needed.

759 When King Louis assured him of having the archbishop on his land, he returned to the city. As for the archbishop, he made preparations for his journey and did not return to Sainte-Colombe with his following. Throughout his stay there, he had been honoured.

760 Sainte-Colombe is an abbey of Benedictines. The holy man stayed there for four years, trusting to God alone, and not giving up the austerity of his way of life. His company was agreeable to the abbot and the monks.

761 When King Louis had, out of his own coffers, procured for Thomas and his own all that was needed bythem, King Henry understood that the Archbishop would probably remain in France, and he had a sad heart, I assure you. . He would prevent that, if possible, and he worked with all his might.

762 He sent his son Henry to the court of France, where he became the vassal of the king's son: his baron would be his guardian for the country beyond the Channel. You could have seen them exchange knickknacks, get dogs to carry hawks.

763 Moreover, King Henry gave all the barons of France so many great gifts that he had friends, and he thought he had dominated the council of the kingdom, so the two kings arranged an interview, which took place at Saint Léger in Yvelines.

764 There, they pledged to each other themselves to be for ever good friends, and that each swore in the future. that he would not harbour in his kingdom an enemy of the other. Then, they parted.

765
Another meeting was arranged to be held in Tours. but this time, the French did not go there. King Louis had been discouraged because he had neither castles nor fortresses in that region. and that he did not know the intentions of the King of England.

766
He [king Henry] then demanded enactment of the agreement, saying that Louis had not kept his oath, since he had for so long given asylum to his mortal enemy, a felon, a traitor to his whole kingdom. The King of France replied that there had never been any [specific] mention of this in their agreement,

767
that the archbishop had not been mentioned, and that he had very well respected his agreemernt. It was only if and when a man had been convicted of felony and
condemned by judgment to exile that then they would not have met the needs anywhere in their respective countries.

768
When the Archbishop learned that King Henry was about to drive him out of France, and that he had given himself so much trouble, he wrote to him and
sent a letter saying that he was a lost in sorrow: that he would not take away the bread from out of his mouth, for God would provide for him plenty, without ever failing him.

769
Someone came to see him and had comforted him, saying that he would get everything he needed, even if his household had twenty persons. Furthermore; he would also give him five hundred pounds in cash, which he could use as he saw fit.

770
Someone else promised him such an honour, assuring him that he would never leave him for anyone; and that he did not fear kings, English or French, he feared neither German nor people from the Low Countries, whether he was Duke or Emperor. But that the good king of France continued to maintain the archbishop.

771
One day he had broken into prayer and was, as usual. humbly and devoutly prostrate before the altar, God appeared to him in a real vision, calling him twice by his true name, Thomas.
He said to him: <<It is by your blood that you will restore my Church.
 <<Who are you, Lord, to come to visit me here?>>

772 <<I am Jesus, your brother. You will glorify My Church with your blood, and you will be glorified with love.>>
<<I accept that. So be it,>> replied Thomas.

773 Another time at St. Colombe he had a dream; he who related it to me declared it to be true. It seemed to him that he was being tried in the [Papal] consistory court. He was defending himself against the King of England, who had made serious accusations against him.

774 Hilary of Chichester and Gilbert Foliot of London also attacked him. The cardinals made common cause with the king, so that in the whole of this court Thomas had no support from anyone except for Pope Alexander, who was the only one to defend him.

775 But he shouted so much against the others, as did the others against him, that he completely injured himself because of the noise and cries. Hilary of Chichester was struck dumb during the trial; the bishop of London saw all of his flesh rot away, so that his whole body crumbled into pieces.

776 Then the king quickly seized St. Thomas, and scratched his head all around with the edge of his sword. But he [St. Thomas] felt neither anguish nor pain, and he began to laugh at it, which provoked the wrath of the king. Then the saint awoke, for he was terrified.

777 In the affair, we saw the Pope lose power because he could not support the archbishop against all; we saw Hilary of Chichester shut up and repent of the harm
done to the martyr. May the Bishop of London take care not to fall apart!

778 But I will tell you the meaning of this dream: he came little by little to repent, and that is what it means to deteriorate one's flesh piece by piece. However, he made sure completely to repent for his sin, otherwise God would take a just revenge.

779 The holy man lived six years in a foreign land. He led and endured a very austere life, which he hid well, even from his familiars; and he did not sleep late,
but rose every day at dawn.

780 He did not awake his servants in the morning to get up, so that they could dress and clothe him. His first care was to go to church, to serve the Lord worthily: he would not have abandon that for anything else;

731 Around noon he celebrated mass every day. Devoting himself entirely to serving his Lord, he spent most of the day in an oratory on his own, laid out
in a little room, where he gave himself up to his pious duties. If he closed the door upon himself, it was not to rest!

782 Once there, he remained prostrate in prayer and wept profusely in all humility. No one except God knew in what way he was abusing his body, what agony
he was suffering. He was all about contemplation.

783 The holy man came out of this room at mealtime, not to fill his body and fatten it, but because he wanted to please his entourage, to see and assist the poor and hungry: he wanted, in fact, to conceal as best he could his way of life.

784 He drank the best wine that he could be found, but he drank it to warm his stomach, because it was very cold, like his whole body, and he ate fistfulls of ginger and cloves. Nevertheless, he always mixed his wine with water.

785 When he got up from the table, he did not care to listen to any chanson de geste [songs of heroic deeds] or other stories, unless they were truthful, and he preferred to listen about Our Heavenly King and to devote himself to the scriptures which will remain forever.

786 When the time came when day was turning into night, the bedding of St. Thomas lay down on a bedstead covered with leatherand which was strewn with a little straw: a quilt and dear linen sheets, white and smooth.

787 Then, the archbishop prayed for contrition, up to the point of exhaustion. And then, in the same clothes that he wore during the day (he did not put others on), he lay on the bare ground until he heard the bell ring the call to prayer or alarm sounded.

788 He wore rough underwear made from coarse goat hair, and another coarse hair-shirt enveloped him all his body, arms and forearms, stomach and back. Therein vermin swarmed, leaving no rest for his flesh.

789 He imposed on his body even more torments. Every night, he suffered discipline, the beating and tearing of the flesh with these scathing scourges. Robert de
Merton was able to tell the truth about it, even though he did not dare to break holy obedience in this matter.

790 Robert of Merton was his chaplain and very intimate with him: he slept in his room. But it is only at the hour of death, when he saw the coming of his agony,
that he testified. He had indeed promised Thomas that during his life he would not reveal these practices.

791 When Robert was in bed and would have been entitled to rest, the holy man indulged himself, says he, to so many mortiñcations that he ceased before the third of
the night; he then came to Robert, made him get up and passed him the discipline to be ñageller.

792 When Robert had beaten him so much that he himself was exhausted. Taking pity and sweating with anguish, he threw down the scourge with its knotted ends. <<Unhappy,>> said he, "why did I come into the world? Of all the unfortunate I am the worst off.>>

793 And when the chaplain had gone to bed again, St. Thomas still did not want to stop there. He himself began to tear his body, to lacerate his flesh with
his own hand. Flesh was nothing to him; so much did he have a pure heart.

794 And this same Robert, about to confess, testified that since he bore the burden of the coronation, the saint had never known peace, day or night, unless he had
been spotted five times, or four well counted, or at least three; he did not want give it away.

795 This was the life that the man of Our Lord led. Every forty days he bathed and changed his shirt because of the vermin and sweat, and put on another, which he held in reserve. It was for the sake of God that he always endured discomfort and pain.

796 So this how he lived and suffried our holy man, without showing or confessing it to anyone except, so I have heard, to Brun, his valet, whose service was washing his hair clothes, and to his chaplain, Robert, who his was gellait during the night.

References

Abbaye Sainte-Colombe de Saint-Denis-lès-Sens

Columba of Sens - Wikipedia

Benedictines - Wikipedia

Francis Palgrave (1857). The History of Normandy and of England: I-IV. CUP Archive. p. 78

John Morris (1885). The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Thomas Becket. Chapter XXII Sens: Burns and Oates. pp. 190–.

Thómas Saga Erkibyskups: A Life of Archbishop Thomas Becket, in Icelandic, with English ... : Eiríkur Magnússon pp 373-

Scourge - Wikipedia