Thursday 22 November 2018

Garnier: Becket at Sens

Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
https://goo.gl/xyem88
Stanzas 750-796
Lines 3746 - 3980


750
Sire, fet li li abes, ne vus en cureciez.
Ja pur cest mandement n’en serez esluiniez
Ke vus e tut li vostre a grant plenté n’aiez
Kanke mestier vus est, mielz k’ainz ne solïez.
3750 – Gré, fet il, vus en sace la divine pitiez. »

751
Al rei de France ad un cel afaire mustré,
Coment li reis l’aveit de Punteigni osté.
Quant li reis l’ad oï, Deu en ad mercïé ;
[116] Or dunra l’arcevesque, s’il l’a en volenté,
3755 Ço qu’il li out sovent offert e presenté.

752
Car quant il fu de primes d’Engleterre fuitis,
Li reis de France l’a soventefeiz requis,
E par li e par autres, par clers e par hiamis,
Qu’entur lui remansist el regne saint Denis ;
3760 De quanqu’avreit mestier ne sereit point mendis.

753
Mais les offres le rei n’a il dunkes pas pris,
Car il cremi forment que li fiers reis Henris
Ne desist qu’il se fust e alïez e mis,
Tut pur li guerreier, od le rei Loëwis.
3765 Mais de ses offres prendre ne sera mais eschis.

754
Quant ot li reis de France qu’ensi l’en chacerunt,
Or le purra aveir, juint ses mains contremunt ;
Deu en a mercïé, qui guverne le mund.
« Jo crei, fait il, encore que angeles meskerrunt. »
3770 Pur les monies le dist, ki ensi ovré unt.

755
Mais li reis Loëwis sur sun cheval munta,
Prist ses hummes od li, a Punteigni ala.
Od le saint arcevesque dedenz capitle entra.
L’abé e tuz les monies durement mercia
3775 Del honur que li ber entur els trové a.

756
Car mult unt fait, ço dit, a France grant honur
De ço k’unt receté entr’els cel bon seignur.
Ne volt des ore mais qu’il aient la haür
Del rei Henri, quis volt deserter pur s’amur ;
3780 Or volt qu’il ait od lui des ore le sujur.

757
E dit qu’il le voldra a Sanz od sei mener ;
Quanque mestier li ert li fera tut trover,
E a lui e as suens, quanqu’il devront user.
Quant li seignur oïrent qu’il s’en deveit aler,
3785 De pitié comencierent tut li plus a plurer.

758
Dunc fist li reis a Sanz ses homes enveier
[117] Tresqu’a Sainte Columbe, e fist apareillier
Maisuns u li sainz huem se peüst herbergier.
Dunc furent apelé sergant e buteilier,
3790 Que del suen li trovassent kank’il avreit mestier.

759
Quant li reis Loëwis fu bien aseürez
Qu’il avreit l’arcevesque, en France est returnez.
E l’arcevesques s’est de sun eire aprestez.
A Sainte Columbe est od sa maisnie alez.
3795 Tant cum il fu od els, mult i fu honurez.

760
De Sainte Columbe est juste Sanz l’abeïe,
Qui de neirs monies est e faite e establie.
Quatre anz i fu li ber, qui en Deu sul s’afie.
N’a empeirié de rien ne ses murs ne sa vie.
3800 A l’abé e as monies plut mult sa conpaignie. –

761
Quant veit li reis Henris qu’il purra remaneir
Od le rei Loëwis, qui tut sun estuveir
Li trova, e as suens, de sun demeine aveir,
El quer en fu dolenz, jel vus di tut pur veir.
3805 N’i remaindra, s’il puet. Tut i mist sun poeir.

762
Dunc fist sun fil Henri en France al rei aler,
E hume al fiz le rei devint, cumme sis ber,
Que il tendreit de lui la terre d’ultre mer.
Dunc veïssez entr’els les beaubelez duner
3810 E les chiens enveier e les oisaus porter.

763
E as baruns de France duna tant reis Henris
Que par granment doner les fist tuz ses amis,
E tut quida aveir le conseil del païs.
Dunc unt entr’els li rei un parlement asis,
3815 Qui fu a Saint Legier en Iveline pris.

764
Iluekes sunt andui lïé e ajusté
Qu’il serunt mais amis en estabilité ;
E d’ambes parz i furent li serement juré
Que nul d’els ne tendreit des ore en sun regné
[118] 3820 Nul enemi a l’altre. Dunc s’en sunt returné.

765
Un altre parlement unt a Turs purparlé ;
Mais n’i sunt pas Franceis a cele feiz alé.
Car al rei Loëwis fu pur ço desloé
Qu’il n’aveit el païs castel ne fermeté ;
3825 Ne sorent que li reis d’Engleterre ot pensé.

766
Dunc l’a li reis Henris de covent apelé ;
Dit que ne li tint pas ço qu’il li out juré,
Sun enemi mortel quant tant l’a receté,
Felun e traïtur de trestut sun regné.
3830 Li reis dit que d’iço n’i out ainc mot soné,

767
Ne que li arcevesques n’i fu amenteüz,
E qu’il li out tresbien ses covenanz tenuz ;
Mais se de felunie fust nuls huem convencuz,
E par jugement fust de sun païs eissuz,
3835 Qu’en nul liu de lur terres ne sereit retenuz.

768
Quant l’arcevesques ot que chacier le voldra
Li reis Henris, de France, e que tant s’en pena,
Ses briés ad fait escrire, e puis si li manda
Que pur neent s’en peine : ja pain ne li toldra ;
3840 Deus l’en durra asez, qui ja ne li faldra.

769
Car uns huem vint a li qui mult le conforta,
Qui tut sun estuveir, ço dit, li trovera,
E a vint homes plus encore qu’il n’en a.
E cinc cenz livres ultre de deniers li durra,
3845 Dunt ses altres busoines privees furnira.

770
Uns altres li pramist altresi grant honur,
Que ja ne li falsist pur nul humme a nul jur.
N’il ne cremi les reis, l’Engleis ne le Francur,
Aleman ne Tïeis, ne duc n’empereür.
3850 Mais li buens reis de France le retint a sujur.

771
Par un jur quant mult fu penez en oreisun
E par devant l’autel jut en afflictiun,
[119] Cum il esteit a us, od grant devotiun,
S’aparut Deus a lui en veire mustreisun,
3855 Si l’apela dous feiz Thomas, par sun dreit nun.

772
« En tun sanc, fist li il, m’iglise eshauceras.
– Qui es, Sire, fait il, qui ci visité m’as ?
– Jo sui Jesu, tis frere. Tu glorifieras
M’iglise par tun sanc, e eshaucié seras.
3860 – Einsi iert a mun voil », ço respondi Thomas.

773
E a Sainte Columbe un’autre feiz sunga,
Sil me mustra pur veir cil qui il le conta :
En consistorie estut en plait, ço li sembla,
E encontre le rei d’Engleterre plaida,
3865 E li reis durement en cause le greva.

774
Hylaires de Cicestre le greva durement,
Gilebert Foliot de Lundres ensement ;
Li cardenal se tindrent al rei communement,
Si qu’en tute la curt n’out nul maintienement,
3870 Fors de pape Alissandre, kil maintint sulement.

775
Mais tant cria vers els, il vers li altresi,
Que tuz fu enroez de la noise e del cri.
Hylaires de Cicestre en la cause amuï ;
A l’evesque de Lundres tute la char purri,
3875 Que par menues pieces tuz sis cors dechaï.

776
Dunc fist saint Thomas prendre li reis senz nul demur
E escorchier le chief a cutaus tut entur.
Mais li ber n’i senteit anguisse ne dolur ;
E pur ço qu’il s’en rist, fu li reis en irur.
3880 E li sainz s’esveilla, qui fu en esfreür.

777
En la cause veïmes l’apostolie afeblir,
Qu’il ne pout l’arcevesque contre tuz maintenir ;
Hylaire de Cicestre veïmes amuïr
E repentir del mal qu’il out fait al martir.
[120] 3885 Or se guart cil de Lundres, ne vienge al dechaïr !

778
Mais jo quit dire veir de cele decaance :
Petit e petit est venuz a repentance ;
E ço est de la char par parz l’amenuissance.
Mais guart sei qu’il en face la pleniere amendance ;
3890 Altrement en prendra Deus la dreite vengance.

779
Li sainz huem fu sis anz en estrange contree.
Mult aveit dure vie e sufferte e menee ;
Neïs a ses privez l’aveit il mult celee.
Poi i ot, e des lais e de la gent letree,
3895 Fors sul treis, ki il ait sa vie demustree.

780
Li sainz huem ne fist mie ses servanz esveillier
Al main a sun lever, n’al vestir n’al chalcier.
A sun premier labur en alout al mustier,
Honestement faiseit le Damnedeu mestier ;
3900 Cel ne voleit il pas pur altre rien laissier.

781
Entur midi chantout sa messe chascun jur ;
Del tut ert ententifs a servir sun Seignur.
Tut le plus del jur ert en un suen oratur,
Dedenz une chambrete, u faiseit sun labur.
3905 E fermout l’uis sur sei. Mes n’ert pas a sujur.

782
Quant ert entré laenz, dunc jut en oreisun
E en plur e en lermes e en afflictiun.
Ne sout nul la maniere de sun mal, se Deu nun,
Que il faiseit al cors, ne de la passiun.
3910 Del tut esteit li bers en contemplatiun.

783
De cele chambre isseit a ure de mangier,
Ne mie pur sun cors emplir ne encreissier,
Mais pur ço qu’il voleit sa maisnie haitier,
Les povres fameillus veeir e aaisier.
3915 Car sun estre voleit e covrir e muscier.

784
Le meillur vin usout que il trover poeit,
Mais pur le freit ventrail eschaufer le beveit ;
[121] Car le ventrail aveit, e le cors, forment freit.
E gingibre e girofre a puignies mangeit ;
3920 Nepurquant tut adès l’euve od le vin medleit.

785
E quant levez esteit li sainz huem de la table,
N’aveit cure d’oïr de chançun ne de fable
Ne de nul’altre chose, s’ele ne fust verable.
Mielz ameit a oïr del rei espiritable
3925 E guarder as escriz qui erent parmenable.

786
Quant veneit que li jurs ert en la nuit plungiez,
E li liz saint Thomas esteit apareilliez,
Desus un chaelit qui tut esteit quiriez,
D’une cuilte purpointe, d’un poi d’estraim junchiez,
3930 E de chiers linges dras e blancs e delïez.

787
Dunc ert en oreisun l’arcevesque Thomas
E en afflictiun, tant qu’il esteit tut las ;
E a la nue terre se culchout en ses dras
Que il aveit le jur ; ne changout altres pas.
3935 Ne cunurent sa vie ne li halt ne li bas.

788
D’aspre haire aveit braies, de peil de chievre gros ;
D’un’altre haire aveit trestut sun cors enclos,
E les braz e les chutes e le ventre e le dos.
La vermine i esteit a torkes e a tors,
3940 Qui ne laissout aveir a sa char nul repos.

789
Encor faiseit il plus al cors mal endurer :
Chascune nuit faiseit sa char discipliner,
As curgies trenchanz e batre e descirer.
Robert de Meretune en sot le veir cunter,
3945 Qui saint’obedïence n’en osout trespasser.

790
Robert de Meretune sis chapelains esteit.
Mult li esteit privez ; en sa chambre giseit.
Mais quant vint a la mort, e vit le grant destreit,
Dunc a primes gehi ; car afïé l’aveit
[122] 3950 Qu’en trestut sun vivant sun estre ne dirreit.

791
Quant Robert ert culchiez, e deüst reposer,
Tantes afflictiuns, ço dist, perneit li ber,
Bien le tierz de la nuit ne voleit il cesser ;
Dunc veneit a Robert e sil faiseit lever,
3955 Baillout lui les curgies a lui discipliner.

792
Quant tant l’aveit batu qu’il esteit tut lassez
E de pitié conpunz, d’anguisse tresuez,
Getout jus les curgies od tuz les chiefs nuez.
« Chaitif, faiseit il dunc, pur quei fui unches nez ?
3960 De tuz les chaitifs sui li plus mal eürez. »

793
Mais quant li chapelains s’esteit alez culchier,
Sainz Thomas nel voleit encor a tant laissier :
Il meïmes perneit sun cors a depescier,
A l’une de ses mains sa char a detrengier.
3965 Poi li fu de la char, tant out le quer entier.

794
E cil Roberz gehi, quant dut estre confès,
Puis que li sainz reçut del sacrement le fes,
K’ainc puis ne fu un jur u nuit qu’il eüst pes,
Que il ne fust batuz cinc feiz u quatre adès,
3970 U treis a tut le mains ; n’en volt aveir relès.

795
Tele vie mena li huem Nostre Seignur.
Mais rebainnez esteit al quarantisme jur ;
Sa haire remuot pur vers e pur suur,
Un’altre reperneit, qu’il out mis en sujur.
3975 Pur Deu suffri adès e mesaisse e dolur.

796
Tele vie mena li sainz huem e suffri,
N’a nul humme suz ciel nel mustra ne gehi,
Fors a Brun sun vaslet, si cum dire l’oï,
Qui ses haires lava e de ço le servi,
3980 E Robert sun proveire, qui les nuiz le bati. –


Rough Translation

750
"My grace," replied the abbot [of Pontigny], "do not be angry at this situation. Never will this injunction be enough to keep you away from us: you and yours will have in abundance, even better than before, all the goods you need. "May the divine mercy be grateful to you," answered Thomas.

751
This affair was reported to the King of France. He was shown how the King of England had driven Thomas from Pontigny. When the king heard it, he thanked God for it as henceforth he would be able to give the archbishop, if he so desired it, what he had often offered him.

752
Not long after Thomas had fled from England, the King of France had often begged him, personally or through clergy or friends, to remain by his side in the kingdom protected by Saint Denis, [saying that] he would not have to beg for what he needed.

753
But Thomas did not accept the King's offers, for he feared that the fierce King Henry would pretend that he had entered into an alliance with the King of France for the sole purpose of making war on him. Now, indeed, he will no longer [have any reason to] refuse to accept his proposals.

754
When the King of France learnt that they were going to drive him [Becket] out of the monastery [at Pontigny] and that he couldnow have him by his side, he raised raising his joined hands to heaven. He thanked God who governs the world. <<I believe,>> he added, <<there are still angels who are unfaithful.>> So he said, thinking of the monks who have acted so badly.

755
Then King Louis mounted his horse, took his men with him, and went to Pontigny. Accompanied by the holy archbishop, he entered the chapter house. He warmly thanked the abbot and all the monks for the signs of honour which they had reserved for the holy man.

756
They have done great honour for the kingdom of France, he said, when they have brought amongst them this good prelate. From now on he did not want them to be the victims of the hatred of King Henry who wants to ruin them because of the friendship they had for Thomas; that he now wants him to stay at his court.

757
He announced that he wanted to take him with him to Sens and that he would provide him and his familiars with everything that they need. When the monks learned that he has to leave, sadly most of them started to cry.

758
Then the king sent his men to the abbey of Sainte-Colombe, near Sens, and prepared apartments to house the holy man. Servants and butlers were summoned to furnish him with all the necessities of the royal bounty.

759
When King Louis had obtained assurance that the [abbey of Sainte-Colombe] would receive the Archbishop, he returned to France. The archbishop prepared to make the trip. Accompanied by his following, he went to Sainte-Colombe. As long as he lived in this monastery, he was particularly honoured.

760
The abbey of Sainte-Colombe, is one the houses of black Benedictines. It is located near Sens; the good man, who relies only on God, stayed there for four years. he abandoned nothing of the rigour of his manners and life. The abbot and the monks were full of praise for having him amongst them.

761
When King Henry realized that Thomas could prolong his stay with King Louis, who had placed his own property at his disposal and at the disposal of his familiars, he suffered in his heart, I assure you ever so formally. If he could, he would prevent him from staying there, so he did not hesitate to use all his strength to achieve this end

762
He then sent his son Henry to the court of France, where he paid homage to the son of King Louis, promising him, as his vassal, to hold of him the possessions he held overseas [in France]. You would then have seen between them a great exchange of presents; they sent [each other] jewels, dogs and birds for hunting.

763
The King of England gave so much to the great lords of France, that, by his largesse, he acquitted them all with his friendship, and thus thought himself master of the whole council of the kingdom. The kings then agreed to hold between them an assembly which was to meet at Saint-Léger-en-Yvélines.

764
There they made an agreement that they would now be friends in a sustainable way; they swore never to tolerate in their kingdom the presence of any man who was the enemy of their ally; then they returned.

765
They had agreed to hold another assembly at Tours; but this time the French refrained from participating. It was indeed remarked to King Louis that he had no castle or fortified place in this region. They did not know what the King of England had planned.

766
Then King Henry recalled the King of France to his promises. He reproached him for not being faithful to his oath, since he had received with so much pleasure that he was his mortal enemy, a felon and a traitor to all his kingdom. King Louis replied that no one had ever said a word about it,

767
that the archbishop had not been mentioned in the agreement and that he had, for his part, scrupulously respected his commitments. He confirmed, on the other hand, that any individual convicted of felony who was banished from his country by the sentence of a tribunal would not find an asylum in any place of their kingdoms.

768
When the archbishop knew that King Henry was trying to drive him out of France, and that he devoted so much trouble to realizing this project, he informed him by letter that he was getting tired for nothing: he would never deprive him of his bread; God, who would never abandon him, would provide him with enough.

769
For there came a man to him, comforting him; sayin he would lavish on him everything that he could need, and even as much as twenty men more than his own followers. In addition, he would give him five hundred livres in cash for his personal use.

770
Another, in that same way, promised to treat him with very much honour, and never to abandon him despite anyone else; he did not fear kings, neither England, nor France, nor the Germans from the south or the north, nor the duke, nor the emperor. But the good king of France did not cease to assure him his retirement.

771
One day, when Thomas had broken down in prayer and was afflicted, he prostrated himself before the altar, according to his custom in a great impulse of devotion. God really appeared to him and twice called him "Thomas", his very name.

772
<<With your blood,>> he said, <<you will elevate my Church. - Who are you, my lord, you who come here to visit me? - I am Jesus your brother. You will glorify my Church with your blood and you will be sanctified.>>
<<So be it, I accept it,>> answered Thomas.

773
At Sainte-Colombe he had a second dream; the one whom he reported it to assured me the authenticity of the information: it seemed to him that he made a plea before the Pope's consistory, and that his adversary was the king of England; the king made very serious accusations against him.

774
Hilary, bishop of Chichester, and Gilbert Foliot, bishop of London, overwhelmed him with grievances; the cardinals were in common cause with the king, so that in all this court Thomas could not find anyone to defend him there, except for Pope Alexander, who alone supported him.

775
But there was so much shouting on both sides that, by dint of shouting in this racket, he was hoarse. Hilaire de Chichester, during the trial, lost the faculty of speaking and all the flesh of the bishop of London began to rot so that his whole body was ragged.

776
Then the king hastened to seize Saint Thomas and made him skin the circumference of the head with a knife. This torture did not cause the archbishop any trouble or pain; and the king who saw him laughing became mad with anger. The saint who was frightened by this dream awoke then.

777
We saw the pope lose his power in the trial because he could not support the archbishop against all. We saw Hilaire de Chichester become dumb and repent of the May he had done to the martyr. Now let the Bishop of London beware of falling apart!

778
However, from this physical lapse, I propose an interpretation that seems right to me; little by little he has come to repent. This is the progressive destruction of his body. However, let him make sure that he is completely ameliorated; otherwise God will take a justified vengeance-

779
The holy man stayed abroad for six years. He had suffered and endured a very painful life; even to his intimates he had carefully concealed it. There were no laymen or clerics, except three people, to whom he revealed his life.

780
He did not wake his servants in the morning when he got up, nor to dress, nor to put on shoes. His first task was to go to church and scrupulously celebrate the divine service; for nothing in the world he did not want to give it up.

781
Around noon, every day, he sang his Mass; in all he was careful to serve his Lord. He spent most of the day in his oratory, in a small room where he worked. He locked himself in but did not rest.

782
When he had entered it, he was crumbling in prayers, in tears, in tears, and in affliction. There was only God who knew the nature of the torments he inflicted on his body and the extent of his sufferings. The archbishop lived in a perfect state of contemplation.

783
From this room he went out at mealtime, not to feed himself and fatten the body, but because he wanted to please his entourage, see and relieve the poor hungry. He wanted to conceal and keep secret the way he lived.

784
He drank the best wine he could find, but he drank it to dispel the cold that gripped his belly; because he had the belly and the body, prone to ice. He consumed ginger force and cloves; however, he always cut his wine with water.

785
The saintly man, after having risen from the table, did not care to hear songs, stories, or other works, unless it were true stories. He preferred to hear about the King of Heaven and to study the writings of which the truth was eternal.

786
When the time came when the day was giving way to the night, the bed of St. Thomas was being prepared; on a bedstead which was entirely covered with leather, a little straw, a short-stitch and rich sheets of white and fine linen were spread out.

vv. 3931 to 3960

787
Then the archbishop began to pray and grieve until he was worn out with fatigue; he lay down on the ground, preserving the clothes he wore during the day; for he did not wear others to sleep. Neither the great lords nor the poor people knew his life.

788
He wore goatskin underwear on his legs, coarse, rough, and mortifying; another haire enveloped his whole body, his arms, his elbows, his belly, and his back; the vermin swarmed in packets and left no rest for his flesh.

789
He did more to torment his body: he was disciplined every night, he was beaten and tearing with sharp strips. Robert de Merton knew how to relate the truth, he who did not dare to break the rules of silence imposed by holy obedience.

790
Robert de Merton, who was his chaplain, lived in his privacy and slept in his room. However, when the hour of his death came and he became aware of his distress, only then did he confess the truth; for he had promised the archbishop not to reveal anything, as long as he lived, of his private life.

791
When Robert was in bed, at the hour when he was supposed to rest, the holy man inflicted himself, according to Robert, so many punishments that he did not cease to impose them for a good third of the night; He came to find Robert, made him get up, and gave him the thongs to strike him.

792
When he had  thrashed him to the point of being weary, seized with pity and sweating with anguish, he threw on the ground the scourge which ended in knots. <<Wretch,>> said he, <<why was I born? Of all the wretches I am the most unfortunate.>>

793
But when his chaplain had gone to bed, St. Thomas still did not want to put an end to his torment: he himself began to bruise his body, tearing his flesh with his hands. He did not care much for the flesh, so strong was his soul.

794
And Robert confessed, when he came to confession, that, from the day the holy man was ordained, he did not pass a day or a night without being beaten four or five times - at least three times; he never wished to have a respite.

795
This is the life that led the man of God. Every forty days he took a bath; because of sweat and vermin, he changed his way; he took back another which he had put to rest. For God, pain and suffering never ceased.

796
Such is the life that the holy man led and endured, but he did not share it with anyone in the world except his valet Brun who, as I have heard, was busy washing his haires. and his chaplain Robert, who was hitting him during the night.

797
The glorious king of France, during this time, diligently employed to reconcile Saint Thomas and King Henry. The pope often sent letters to those who attended the meetings to reach a conciliation

798
A meeting was held at Pontoise; the pope, therefore, went to Paris; the archbishop attended, whose case was the object of this meeting. But when King Henry knew for sure that the Pope would take part in the meeting, he turned back.

Alternative Rough Translation

749 <<But may the meek Jesus be grateful to you for the kindness that you and yours have shown me and mine: we have had nothing to lack for, neither food and clothing. God will guide me, because he is always at my side: He slaughters the proud and takes away the poor from the waste pit.>>

750 << My lord,>> said the abbot, <<do not fret. You will not be sent away from here anytime soon because of this letter. You will receive in plenty, and more than before, all that you need for yourself and yours. May the Divine Mercy bring grace upon you! >>

751 The matter was reported to the King of France, who thus learned how Thomas had been expelled from Pontigny. He gave thanks to God, for if the Archbishop wanted it, he was now [able] to give him what he had often offered and wished to give him.

752 Indeed, soon after Thomas had fled from England, the King of France repeatedly invited him, directly or through clerks and friends, to stay near his home in the kingdom of Saint Denis, saying that he would not need to beg for sustenance!

753 At the time Thomas had not accepted these proposals from the King, because he feared that his haughty sovereign would say that he made an alliance with Louis for the sole purpose of attacking him. But now he would not refuse to accept his offer.

754 When the King of France heard that he was going to be cast out, in order that he could receive him at home he raised his hands towards heaven, clasping them together, thanking God, He who governs the world.  <<I cry,>> he said <<that there are still angels who fall [from Grace].>>, for he said it was the monks who had thus done it.

755 Then King Louis rode on horseback and, with his men, to Pontigny. He went into the chapter house with the holy archbishop, and thanked the abbot and all the monks warmly for having offered him an honorable situation amongst them.

756 For in giving him asylum, as they have done, he said, brought great honour to France. But he does not want them now to be prey to the hatred of King Henry, who wants to expel them because of the good prelate, that he now wanted him to establish himself henceforth at his home.

757 It was his will to take him to Sens and give him everything that he and his familiars would need. When the reverend fathers heard that Thomas was about to leave, most of them began to cry with pity.

758 The king then sent his men to Sens, as far as Sainte-Colombe, to prepare apartments for where the holy man could live. And he ordered those who were to take care of him to find everything that he needed.

759 When King Louis assured him of having the archbishop on his land, he returned to the city. As for the archbishop, he made preparations for his journey and did not return to Sainte-Colombe with his following. Throughout his stay there, he had been honoured.

760 Sainte-Colombe is an abbey of Benedictines. The holy man stayed there for four years, trusting to God alone, and not giving up the austerity of his way of life. His company was agreeable to the abbot and the monks.

761 When King Louis had, out of his own coffers, procured for Thomas and his own all that was needed bythem, King Henry understood that the Archbishop would probably remain in France, and he had a sad heart, I assure you. . He would prevent that, if possible, and he worked with all his might.

762 He sent his son Henry to the court of France, where he became the vassal of the king's son: his baron would be his guardian for the country beyond the Channel. You could have seen them exchange knickknacks, get dogs to carry hawks.

763 Moreover, King Henry gave all the barons of France so many great gifts that he had friends, and he thought he had dominated the council of the kingdom, so the two kings arranged an interview, which took place at Saint Léger in Yvelines.

764 There, they pledged to each other themselves to be for ever good friends, and that each swore in the future. that he would not harbour in his kingdom an enemy of the other. Then, they parted.

765
Another meeting was arranged to be held in Tours. but this time, the French did not go there. King Louis had been discouraged because he had neither castles nor fortresses in that region. and that he did not know the intentions of the King of England.

766
He [king Henry] then demanded enactment of the agreement, saying that Louis had not kept his oath, since he had for so long given asylum to his mortal enemy, a felon, a traitor to his whole kingdom. The King of France replied that there had never been any [specific] mention of this in their agreement,

767
that the archbishop had not been mentioned, and that he had very well respected his agreemernt. It was only if and when a man had been convicted of felony and
condemned by judgment to exile that then they would not have met the needs anywhere in their respective countries.

768
When the Archbishop learned that King Henry was about to drive him out of France, and that he had given himself so much trouble, he wrote to him and
sent a letter saying that he was a lost in sorrow: that he would not take away the bread from out of his mouth, for God would provide for him plenty, without ever failing him.

769
Someone came to see him and had comforted him, saying that he would get everything he needed, even if his household had twenty persons. Furthermore; he would also give him five hundred pounds in cash, which he could use as he saw fit.

770
Someone else promised him such an honour, assuring him that he would never leave him for anyone; and that he did not fear kings, English or French, he feared neither German nor people from the Low Countries, whether he was Duke or Emperor. But that the good king of France continued to maintain the archbishop.

771
One day he had broken into prayer and was, as usual. humbly and devoutly prostrate before the altar, God appeared to him in a real vision, calling him twice by his true name, Thomas.
He said to him: <<It is by your blood that you will restore my Church.
 <<Who are you, Lord, to come to visit me here?>>

772 <<I am Jesus, your brother. You will glorify My Church with your blood, and you will be glorified with love.>>
<<I accept that. So be it,>> replied Thomas.

773 Another time at St. Colombe he had a dream; he who related it to me declared it to be true. It seemed to him that he was being tried in the [Papal] consistory court. He was defending himself against the King of England, who had made serious accusations against him.

774 Hilary of Chichester and Gilbert Foliot of London also attacked him. The cardinals made common cause with the king, so that in the whole of this court Thomas had no support from anyone except for Pope Alexander, who was the only one to defend him.

775 But he shouted so much against the others, as did the others against him, that he completely injured himself because of the noise and cries. Hilary of Chichester was struck dumb during the trial; the bishop of London saw all of his flesh rot away, so that his whole body crumbled into pieces.

776 Then the king quickly seized St. Thomas, and scratched his head all around with the edge of his sword. But he [St. Thomas] felt neither anguish nor pain, and he began to laugh at it, which provoked the wrath of the king. Then the saint awoke, for he was terrified.

777 In the affair, we saw the Pope lose power because he could not support the archbishop against all; we saw Hilary of Chichester shut up and repent of the harm
done to the martyr. May the Bishop of London take care not to fall apart!

778 But I will tell you the meaning of this dream: he came little by little to repent, and that is what it means to deteriorate one's flesh piece by piece. However, he made sure completely to repent for his sin, otherwise God would take a just revenge.

779 The holy man lived six years in a foreign land. He led and endured a very austere life, which he hid well, even from his familiars; and he did not sleep late,
but rose every day at dawn.

780 He did not awake his servants in the morning to get up, so that they could dress and clothe him. His first care was to go to church, to serve the Lord worthily: he would not have abandon that for anything else;

731 Around noon he celebrated mass every day. Devoting himself entirely to serving his Lord, he spent most of the day in an oratory on his own, laid out
in a little room, where he gave himself up to his pious duties. If he closed the door upon himself, it was not to rest!

782 Once there, he remained prostrate in prayer and wept profusely in all humility. No one except God knew in what way he was abusing his body, what agony
he was suffering. He was all about contemplation.

783 The holy man came out of this room at mealtime, not to fill his body and fatten it, but because he wanted to please his entourage, to see and assist the poor and hungry: he wanted, in fact, to conceal as best he could his way of life.

784 He drank the best wine that he could be found, but he drank it to warm his stomach, because it was very cold, like his whole body, and he ate fistfulls of ginger and cloves. Nevertheless, he always mixed his wine with water.

785 When he got up from the table, he did not care to listen to any chanson de geste [songs of heroic deeds] or other stories, unless they were truthful, and he preferred to listen about Our Heavenly King and to devote himself to the scriptures which will remain forever.

786 When the time came when day was turning into night, the bedding of St. Thomas lay down on a bedstead covered with leatherand which was strewn with a little straw: a quilt and dear linen sheets, white and smooth.

787 Then, the archbishop prayed for contrition, up to the point of exhaustion. And then, in the same clothes that he wore during the day (he did not put others on), he lay on the bare ground until he heard the bell ring the call to prayer or alarm sounded.

788 He wore rough underwear made from coarse goat hair, and another coarse hair-shirt enveloped him all his body, arms and forearms, stomach and back. Therein vermin swarmed, leaving no rest for his flesh.

789 He imposed on his body even more torments. Every night, he suffered discipline, the beating and tearing of the flesh with these scathing scourges. Robert de
Merton was able to tell the truth about it, even though he did not dare to break holy obedience in this matter.

790 Robert of Merton was his chaplain and very intimate with him: he slept in his room. But it is only at the hour of death, when he saw the coming of his agony,
that he testified. He had indeed promised Thomas that during his life he would not reveal these practices.

791 When Robert was in bed and would have been entitled to rest, the holy man indulged himself, says he, to so many mortiñcations that he ceased before the third of
the night; he then came to Robert, made him get up and passed him the discipline to be ñageller.

792 When Robert had beaten him so much that he himself was exhausted. Taking pity and sweating with anguish, he threw down the scourge with its knotted ends. <<Unhappy,>> said he, "why did I come into the world? Of all the unfortunate I am the worst off.>>

793 And when the chaplain had gone to bed again, St. Thomas still did not want to stop there. He himself began to tear his body, to lacerate his flesh with
his own hand. Flesh was nothing to him; so much did he have a pure heart.

794 And this same Robert, about to confess, testified that since he bore the burden of the coronation, the saint had never known peace, day or night, unless he had
been spotted five times, or four well counted, or at least three; he did not want give it away.

795 This was the life that the man of Our Lord led. Every forty days he bathed and changed his shirt because of the vermin and sweat, and put on another, which he held in reserve. It was for the sake of God that he always endured discomfort and pain.

796 So this how he lived and suffried our holy man, without showing or confessing it to anyone except, so I have heard, to Brun, his valet, whose service was washing his hair clothes, and to his chaplain, Robert, who his was gellait during the night.

References

Abbaye Sainte-Colombe de Saint-Denis-lès-Sens

Columba of Sens - Wikipedia

Benedictines - Wikipedia

Francis Palgrave (1857). The History of Normandy and of England: I-IV. CUP Archive. p. 78

John Morris (1885). The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Thomas Becket. Chapter XXII Sens: Burns and Oates. pp. 190–.

Thómas Saga Erkibyskups: A Life of Archbishop Thomas Becket, in Icelandic, with English ... : Eiríkur Magnússon pp 373-

Scourge - Wikipedia




Tuesday 20 November 2018

Garnier: King's Delegation meets with the Pope, November 1164

Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
https://goo.gl/xyem88
Stanzas 448-466
Lines 2236 - 2330


448
De Compiegne se sunt li messagier turné.
E frere Franc ad bien sun message achevé :
L’apostolie l’a dit ; il l’a bien esculté.
L’arcevesque Thomas ad ore tant erré
2240 Que venuz est a Sanz, u la pape ad trové.

449
Mais ainceis que venist a Sanz li Deu amis,
Eut li reis a la pape ses messagiers tramis,
Evesques e baruns e chevaliers de pris.
Li apostolies ert de Rume idunc fuitis,
2245 E surjorna a Sanz meis, semaines e dis.

450
L’arcevesques i vint qui d’Evrewic ert maistre,
Vuit li Rus, e l’evesque i vint de Wirecestre,
E li quens d’Arundel e Richarz d’Ivecestre,
Johanz d’Oxeneford, l’evesque d’Execestre,
2250 Hue de Gundevile, Hylaires de Cicestre.

451
Cil de Saint Waleri, Renals, i est venuz,
Henris li fiz Gerold, qui ert des reaus druz,
Gilebert Foliot, qui ne s’i fist pas muz,
E des autres plusurs, e jovenes e chanuz.
2255 Tels i parla purquant qui fu pur fol tenuz.

452
Devant la pape esturent li messagier real.
Alquant diseient bien, pluisur diseient mal,
[70] Li alquant en latin, tel buen, tel anomal,
Tel qui fist personel del verbe impersonal,
2260 Singuler e plurel aveit tut parigal.

453
Tel i out des prelaz parla si egrement
Que la pape li dist : « Frater, tempreement ;
Car mesdire de lui ne sufferai neent. »
Lur paroles n’ai pas tutes ci en present,
2265 Mais ço que unt requis dirrai, mun escïent.

454
« Sire, li reis Henris, funt li li messagier,
Vus requiert e deprie cum sun pere treschier
Que dous tels chardenals li faciez enveier
Qui bien puissent par tut lïer e deslïer,
2270 Ne par apel nes puisse nuls huem contralïer.

455
Mais qu’il seient si fort e en tel poesté
Que quanqu’il ferunt seit en estabilité ;
Devant els n’ait apel ne contredit furmé.
E se li reis Henris a de rien meserré
2275 Encontre l’arcevesque, par els seit amendé.

456
E se li arcevesques ad vers li trespassé,
Par els seit adrescié, jugié e achevé. »
Ici semblout aveir par tut grant leauté ;
Mais n’i out un sul mot par tut de verité,
2280 Fors mult grant trecherie e decevableté.

457
Li reis ert riches huem, sages e de grant art ;
Sout bien que chardenal sunt pernant e lumbart :
Coveitus sunt d’aveir plus que vilain d’essart.
Li reis ad dous privez, Sorel e dan Blanchart :
2285 Tost funt del buen malvais e del hardi cuart.

458
Ne porent l’apostolie par engin deceveir.
Il lur ad respundu cum huem de grant saveir :
« Tel poesté ne puet nuls chardenaus aveir.
Par mei n’avra nul d’els de desraisun poeir ;
2290 En poesté de pape ne voil nul aseeir. »

[71] 459
Mes quant li messager le rei alerent la,
Renald l’arcediacres a Curbuil sejorna.
Encontre les messages tresqu’a Paris ala.
Cel’henor li fesissent, par amor lor prea,
2295 Ke od lui herbergassent ; grant gré lor en savra.

460
De bones genz, ço dit, en sun païs esteit,
Mes por sun arcevesque departi s’en esteit.
Se l’onur li fesissent que il lor requereit,
Li boens reis Loëwis de plus cher l’en avreit,
2300 Ki abé de Curbuil a cel tens fet l’aveit.

461
« Por le rei ne volum, funt il, od vus manger ;
Mal gré nus en savreit, car ne vus ad pas chier.
– Ne porrez, fet il, tot a la pape espleitier.
Mes se volez od mei a mun cust herberger,
2305 D’un de ses enemis porrez le rei vengier. »

462
Dunc sunt avant a Sanz a l’apostoile alé.
E quant ne porent faire ço qu’orent demandé,
Un afaire lor ad la pape graenté :
Que Rogers d’Everwic ert legaz del regné.
2310 Li bref en furent fait ; mes ne furent livré.

463
Mes Reinals li Lumbard fud de la curt privez.
Quant sout que cist afaires fu issi atornez,
De nuit est a la curt priveement alez.
Car li reis d’Engletere ert le jor mult dotez,
2315 Ne il ne voleit pas que il fust encusez.

464
A l’apostoile ad dit : « Sire, ne fetes ja.
Si Roger d’Everwic la legation a,
Les prelaz que li reis het, toz desposera. »
Tant fist que l’apostoile toz les briefs detrencha
2320 Qu’il aveit ainz fet fere, e altres lor livra.

465
Li messagier le rei se sunt mult entremis
De faire lur espleit, mais il n’i unt plus pris.
Muntent en lur chevals, ariere se sunt mis.
[72] Cil de Saint Waleri ot en la terre amis ;
2325 Altrement fussent il mesmené el païs.

466
Il ne voleient pas lur arcevesque atendre,
Car il nel porent pas en nul liu entreprendre.
Tost freeit d’els tel chose a l’apostolie entendre
Dunt peüssent mult tost en nuisance descendre ;
2330 N’il ne se porent pas a tuz les puinz defendre.

448
[King Henry's] messengers arrived from Compiègne. And brother Franco delivered his message well. He related it to the Pope who listened to it attentively. Archbishop Thomas set off immediately. He came to Sens where he found the Pope.

449
But before the friend of God arrived there, king [Henry] had already sent his own envoys to the Pope: bishops, barons and knights of renown. The Pope had fled from Rome and had been living in Sens for many months, weeks and days..

450
Among those who came there were the archbishop of York, where he was master; seen there were [Guy] le Roux, and the bishop who was from Worcester; and the earl of Arundel and Richard of Ilchester, John of Oxford and the bishop of Exeter, Hugh de Gundeville, Hilary [bishop] of Chichester.

451
Came there [also] Renaud de Saint Valéry, Henry Fitz Gerald who were intimates of the king, Gilbert Foliot [bishop of London] who did not remain silent there, and many others, both young and old [those whose hair had turned grey]. On that account such persons who spoke there were held to be quite insane.

452
The kings envoys stood before the Pope. Some spoke well, many spoke badly, some expressed themselves in Latin without regard to its [grammatical] rules, such as the one who made impersonal verbs personal, [and] treating singular and plural forms as completely equal.

453
[And] such as the prelate who spoke in so harsh a manner [so much so] that the Pope said to him: <<Brother, have restraint, as I will not suffer anyone speaking ill of him.>> I do not have all of their [exact] words [used] before me, but I will mention those of note known to me.

454 <<Sire, king Henry,>> the envoys said to him, <<beseeches and requests that, as his dearest [spiritual] father, you will send to him two such cardinals who are sufficiently empowered in all matters to bind and to loose [to act with indisputable authority] so that no one can contradict their decision[s] by an appeal,

455
>> But that they should be strong enough and have such powers that whatever they do should be steadfast such that [at any hearing] before them no one may organize an appeal or challenge their decision, and that if king Henry has committed a wrong towards the archbishop, it should be put right by them.

456
>> And if the archbishop has committed a transgression against him, it should be set to rights, judged and completely settled by them.>>
All this sounded as if it was made in complete great faith; but in truth, not one word of it had any sincerity. Indeed it was nothing but full of trickery and very great deceit.

457
The king is a rich man, wise and of considerable skill. Know well that cardinals are all-take and greedy for money [like Lombards]. Covetous are they for wealth more than a villein is for cleared land [in a forest]. The king has two privy counsellors in his private circle, Sorel [he who is avaricious for red (refined) gold] and Lord Blanchart[he who is desirous of blanched (fine) silver].who are quick atmaking the good evil and the daring cowards.

458
They were not able to deceive the Pope by trickery. He replied to them like a man possessed of great wisdom: <<Such power cannot be held by any cardinal. By me I will grant no one such power contrary to reason. I have no wish to set up anyone in the dominion of the Pope.>>

Rough Translation [temporary]

458
The Pope was not deceived by this trick; he replied as a very wise man: "No cardinal can hold such power. No one will benefit by me from an unjust authority, and I do not intend to install one in the pontificate! "

459
And when the king's messengers went to the Pope, the archdeacon Renaud resided in Corbeil, and he went to meet them to Paris. He kindly begged them to do him the honour of lodging at his house, and he thanked them in advance.

460
In his country, he tells them, he belonged to a good family, but he had left because of his archbishop. If they did him the honour he solicited, he would be more esteemed by the good King Louis, who had made him abbot of Corbeil.

461
"Because of our king," said they, "we will not eat with you; he will not be pleased with it, for he does not love you. "You will not succeed in obtaining everything from the Pope," said Renaud, "but if you agree to stay with me at my expense, you will succeed in avenging the King of one of his enemies." "

462
After that, they continued on their way to Sens, at the Pope's house. And as he could not do what they had asked, he promised them as a concession that Roger [archbishop] of York would be legate-born for the kingdom; the act was drawn up, but was not delivered.

463
Renaud le Lombard was a familiar of the apostolic court. When he heard that the affair had thus turned out, he went there secretly at night -for the King of England was very much feared by day, and he did not want to be denounced-

464 and he said to the pope, "Lord, do not do that! If Roger of York obtains the legation, he will lay down all the prelates that the king hates. Renaud did so well that the Pope cut into small pieces the act he had had made before, and delivered another piece to the messengers.

465
The king's messengers went to great lengths to achieve their ends, but they obtained nothing more. They mounted on horseback and returned. Renaud de Saint-Valery had relations in the country; otherwise, they would have been mistreated.

466
They did not want to wait for their archbishop because they were not able to attack in any way: it would make them, early on, understand the Pope something that could very quickly serve them, and they could not defend themselves on all points.

References

David Knowles (2 January 1951). The Episcopal Colleagues of Archbishop Thomas Becket: Being the Ford Lectures Delivered in the University of Oxford in Hilary Term 1949. Cambridge University Press. pp. 91–. ISBN 978-0-521-05493-5.

John Morris (1859). The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, Etc. Chapter XIX The Pope: Longman, Brown. pp. 160–.

John Allen Giles (1846). The Life and Letters of Thomas À Becket: Now First Gathered from the Contemporary Historians. Chapter XXII Whittaker and Company. pp. 278–.

James J. Spigelman (2004). Becket & Henry: The Becket Lectures. James Spigelman. pp. 157–. ISBN 978-0-646-43477-3.

William Holden Hutton (8 May 2014). Thomas Becket. Cambridge University Press. pp. 116–. ISBN 978-1-107-66171-4.


Monday 19 November 2018

Garnier Becket tries to see the Young King December 1170

Extract from
http://txm.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/bfm/pdf/becket.pdf
https://goo.gl/xyem88
Stanzas 954 - 989Lines 4766 - 4945

954
Mais poi après iço qu’il revint d’ultre mer,
Ne volt pas longement en sun sié demurer
Que il n’alast al rei de la terre parler.
Mais ainz i fist un moine en sun message aler,
4770 Richar, qui de Dovre out l’iglise a governer.

955
Le jovene rei aveit a Wincestre trové.
La erent del païs li barun asemblé,
Deien, arcediachene, persones e abé,
Par le conseil des treis qui esteient sevré
4775 De comune de gent, e Gefrei l’Espusé.

956
Sis eglises aveit el regne senz pastur.
Pur c’erent asemblé celes genz a cel jur,
E li prince e li conte e des baruns pluisur,
Pur eslire e sortir pastur a cele honur.
4780 D’iluec durent passer ultre mer senz demur.

957
La durent les persones e eslire e doner,
Par le conseil des quatre que m’oïstes nummer.
N’i voldrent arcevesque ne primat apeler,
Ne pluisurs des evesques, que jo n’i voil celer,
4785 Ces qu’il sorent qui voldrent en lealté ester :

958
N’i voldrent pas aveir l’evesque de Wincestre,
Ne dan Bertelemeu l’evesque d’Execestre,
Le gentil e le buen Rogier de Wirecestre,
Ne l’evesque d’Ely, qui n’i out cure d’estre.
4790 A tel sacre ne dut produem metre sa destre.

959
En nul liu ne deit estre evesques ordenez,
Tant n’i avra evesques venuz ne asemblez,
Senz conseil del primat ; ço rove li Decrez :
De treis evesques seit, se besuig surt, sacrez ;
4795 Senz comant del primat ne deit estre alevez.

960
E s’um deit el pais nul evesque ordener,
Hum i deit les evesques del reaume mand
E ceaus qu’um n’i purra aveir ne asembler,
Lur message od lur letres i deivent faire aler,
4800 Saveir mun s’il voldrunt cel sacre graanter.

961
S’evesques u prestre est esliz e alevez,
U diachenes, par prince, que il seit degradez ;
E se nul ad tenu seculers poestez,
E par celes purchast divines dignitez,
4805 Ostez seit de comune e del tut deposez.

962
Jo ne vei clerc ne lai tenir lei ne decré ;
E cil qui pis le tienent, ço sunt li ordené.
Car pur ço que il criement perdre lur dignité,
Se sunt del tut suzmis a laie poesté ;
4810 Quel part que li venz turt, se plessent od l’oré.

963
Ne sunt pas fil Jesu, ainz sunt tuit forslignié.
N’erent uan, s’il poent, pur Deu crucifïé ;
Mult enviz perdereient ço qu’il unt enbracié.
Ne sunt pas né del ciel, n’i unt lur vis drecié :
4815 De terre sunt furmé, vers la terre enbrunchié.

964
Li evesque devreient tut le munt adrecier ;
Buen humme deivent estre, buen clerc, né de moillier.
Bon’ente en bon estoc deit bien fructifïer ;
En malvais estoc vei bon’ente mal fruchier :
4820 Qui malvais arbre aluche, malvais fruit deit mangier.

965
Diables ad les princes e les reis avoglez.
Cil qui ad malvais pere, malvais’est s’eritez ;
Cil qui ad fieble chief, sovent est flaelez ;
Quant li filz fait le pere, li ordres est muez :
4825 Li ciels est suz la terre, n’est un point estelez.

966
Quant li reis fait pastur, tel le deit esguarder
Qui il puisse sun cors e s’aneme comander.
E quant de gré le fait tel qui tost volt verser,
[149] E fait pure esmeralde en plum encastuner,
4830 N’en voil altrui que lui jugement demander.

967
Um deit a saint’iglise doner si net pastur
C’um li puisse sun chief suzmettre par honur.
Saint’iglise est espuse al soveraing Seignur ;
E s’um done a s’espuse malvais guverneür,
4835 A Deu e a s’espuse en fait um deshonur. –

968
A Wincestre est li mes l’arcevesque venuz.
Mais li uis de la chambre li fu mult defenduz ;
Car de clers e de lais fu dutez e cremuz,
Qu’il n’aportast tels briés u n’eüst pas saluz
4840 E par quei alchuns d’els ne fust dunc suspenduz.

969
Li messagiers parla mult enseignïement,
E dist qu’il n’aportout nul malveis mandement :
Li primaz aime mult e le rei e sa gent.
Tant ad fait que il out le jovene rei present.
4845 Parfunt li enclina e parla humblement :

970
« Thomas li arcevesques, fait il, de Cantorbire,
Legaz del sié de Rome, primaz de tut l’enpire,
Salue rei Henri, qui d’Engleterre est sire.
Asez l’avez par altres, Sire reis, oï dire ;
4850 Par mes lettres purquant le vus ai fait escrire,

971
E pur ço que jo voil que par mei le saciez :
Que mei e vostre pere, qui ert vers mei iriez,
Que Deus li pius nus ad par sa grace amaisiez,
En concorde e en pais e en amur lïez.
4855 Mais pluisurs en i ad qui en vei coreciez ;

972
E me volent vers vus mesler e mal tenir
E l’amur e la pais desfaire e envanir ;
Dient que jo vus voil la corune tolir.
Mais einsi m’aït Deus, qui tuit deivent servir,
4860 Si me doinst Deus la joie celestre partenir,

973
Cum jo pluisurs reaumes, od cel que vus avez,
[150] Vus voldreie aveir ja par ma char conquestez,
Si que mis sancs i fust en partie wastez,
Mais si que jo n’en fuisse de Deu achaisunez,
4865 Si m’aït a la fin la sainte Ternetez.

974
E coment vus quereie ne mal ne deshonur,
Qui jo tienc, e dei faire, pur rei e pur seignur
E de tut le reaume e eir e successur,
E qui j’aim sur tuz hummes, en fei e en amur,
4870 Senz mun seignur le rei, qui me mist en l’onur ?

975
Mais de c’est en mun quer grant amerté asise,
Que ne vus ai el chief la corune d’or mise,
Sulunc la dignité de nostre mere iglise ;
E pur ç’ai par mes lettres vostre bunté requise
4875 Que puisse a vus parler d’el, d’iceste mesprise. »

976
Bien aveit cil Richarz sun message conté.
Mais ses conseilz aveit al jovene rei loé
Qu’il n’at a l’arcevesque a cele feiz parlé ;
E danz Gefreiz Ridel li ad dit e juré
4880 Que li vielz reis l’en ad sun curage mustré :

977
Il ne volt pas qu’il deie a cel humme parler,
Qui le volt del reaume, s’il puet, deseriter,
La corune del chief e tolir e oster.
Dunc fist a l’arcevesque dous chevaliers aler ;
4885 Thomas de Turnebug en oï l’un nummer,

978
E Jocelins i est de part le rei venuz :
Tuz les recez le rei li aveit defenduz,
Viles, burcs e chastaus ; mar i sereit veüz.
Ja ert li arcevesques tresqu’a Lundres meüz.
4890 Alout parler al rei. A Suerc est descenduz.

979
« Coment, fait saint Thomas, avez me desfïé ?
– Nenal, fait Jocelins ; mais ço vus ad mandé
Li reis. Car trop avez envers lui meserré,
E leis e us volez oster de sun regné,
4895 La corune tolir al jovene coruné.

980
Vus menez par sa terre les chevaliers armez,
E clers d’estrange terre el païs amenez,
E avez ses prelaz de lur mestier sevrez.
Or volt li reis Henris que vus les asolez.
4900 De ço e d’autres choses granz torz fait li avez. »

981
Dunc respundi li ber, ne s’i volt pas plus taire :
« N’est pas dreiz, fait lur il, ne nel vi ainc retraire,
Ço que li plus halz fist plus bas peüst desfaire ;
Parkes ço que la pape fait, conferme e fait faire
4905 Nel puet plus bas de lui par dreit metre en repaire. »

982
Dunc li unt respundu a voiz li forssené :
« Se vus ne faites ço que li reis a mandé,
Il en avra tut dreit ; mult iert chier comparé. »
(Tut cest conseil aveient furni e aturné
4910 Li trei prelat qui erent de lur mestier sevré.)

983
Mult dulcement idunc lur respundi li ber :
Se l’evesque de Lundres voleit a lui aler
E cil de Salesbire, e voleient jurer
Al dreit de saint’iglise e a la pais ester,
4915 Il en voldra grant fais sur li prendre e porter ;

984
E al conseil le rei s’il se volt apuier,
E al conseil l’evesque de Wircestre, Rogier,
E as autres evesques a qui deit conseillier,
Al honur l’apostolie les voldra bel traitier
4920 E en humilité, e mult li erent chier.

985
Fait li dunc Jocelins : « Quant en ço vus tenez
Que les prelaz le rei asoldre ne volez,
Or vus defent li reis ses burcs e ses citez
E viles e chastals, que mar i enterez.
4925 Faire vostre mestier a Cantorbire alez !

986
– Quant ne puis, fait li sainz, par ma parole aler
Paroses e eglises conseillier e guarder,
Ne puis pas mun mestier faire ne celebrer. »
Par iteles paroles entendi bien li ber
4930 Qu’il deveit par martire hastivement finer.

987
Dunc comanda a Deu, qui des bons est saluz,
Les Lundreis e la cit. Puis s’en est revenuz.
Maint miracle a fait Deus la u fu descenduz,
D’avogles, de contraiz e de surz e de muz,
4935 De leprus cui revient e santez e vertuz.

988
Comandé s’est a Deu, e puis s’en returna.
Enz emmi le chemin, la u il mielz erra,
Es viles e es burcs les enfanz conferma.
Del cheval descendi la u hum les porta ;
4940 En nul liu de servir Deu grief ne li sembla.

989
Deu servi volentiers. N’i estuet alumer
Par tut la u s’estut as enfanz confermer ;
Les chapeles poum qu’i sunt faites, trover.
La fait Deus cius veer, surz oïr, muz parler,
4945 Leprus munder, les morz e revivre e aler.

Translation

954 Soon after his return from over the sea [from exile in France], he [Thomas Becket] determined he would not demure for long in his see without having gone to speak with the king of the land; so he sent before him a message by means of a monk, Richard, head of the church at Dover.

955 The Young King was found at Winchester. There assembled were the barons of the land, deans, archdeacons, parsons and abbots They were there on the counsel of the three bishops who had been severed from communion with the people [excommunicated/suspended, namely the bishops of London and Salisbury, and the archbishop of York], and Geoffrey, the married one [Geoffrey Ridel, archdeacon (archdiabolus) of Canterbury who was later appointed bishop of Ely, but who also had to renounce his marriage before he could take up his post] .

956 There were six churches [bishoprics] in the kingdom which were without a pastor [bishop]. That is why these people, namely the prince, the earls, and many barons, were assembled that day [at Winchester] to select and appoint pastors to these honours. Those whom they selected had to cross over the sea [to the king] without delay.

957 There the parsons must be both elected and given [their posts] on the counsel of the four you've heard me name before. Neither did they wanted to summon the archbishop, nor the several bishops of whom I have no wish to hide, those whom they knew were loyal [to Becket].

958 They did not want to have amongst them the Bishop of Winchester, nor Master Bartholomew of Exeter, nor the gentle and good Roger of Worcester, neither the bishop of Ely, who did not wish to be there. No one ought to extend his right hand to such a consecration.

959 Nowhere can bishops be ordained in thus manner. It is necessary to assemble as many of bishops as possible. If necessary, three bishops can confer the consecration, but the bishop cannot be elevated to his office without the consent of the primate [metropolitan]. Thus stateth the Canonical decree.

960 And if a bishop is to be ordained in the land, it is necessary to summon all the bishops of the kingdom; those who cannot attend this assembly may send messengers with letters. Thus may it be known whether they approve of the consecration.

961 If a bishop or priest has been chosen and raised to his diocese by a prince, he is to be degraded. Anyone who has exercised secular authority and has purchased his divine office let him be wholly deposed and denied communion with the faithful.

962 I cannot see, neither cleric nor lay person, holding to the law of this decree, those who have been thus ordained, for they fear they may lose their offices. In thus manner they submit completely to the secular power, They bend before the wind wherever it comes from hoping for fairer weather.

963 They are not sons of Jesus: they are all degenerate. This year they will not let themselves be crucified for God! They are utterly loathed to lose what they have embraced. They are not born of heaven; their gaze is not in that direction. They are baked from earth and it is towards earth they bow.

964 A bishop should put the world on the straight path: he must be a good men and good cleric, born of a woman in wedlock. A good cutting grafted onto the right rootstock will bear good fruit; and I see that a good cutting grafted onto poor rootstock will bear bad fruit: Cultivate a bad tree, bad will be the quality of its fruit [as ye sow, so shall ye reap].

965 Devils blind princes and kings! Whosoever has had a bad father poor is his heritage. He who has a weak chief will often be scourged. When the son does this to the father, order is overturned. The heavens are under the ground and the stars are no longer visible.

966 When the king appoints a pastor [bishop] , he ought to see to it to find one who can command his body and soul. And depending on the extent to he does this he decides to reverse this then it is as if pure emerald were to be set in lead: no one else can judge him but himself for this act.

967 One must give to Holy Church such a pastor whom we can submit to with honour. Holy Church is the wife of the sovereign Master; if He has taken a bride who is a bad steward, God is dishonoured by such a marriage.

968 The archbishop's messenger of Thomas thus came to Winchester, but found that the chamber was heavily guarded and barred against him. That was because both the clergy and laity feared that he was bearing letters which were not salutations but contained suspensions for some of them.

969 The messenger strongly pointed out saying that he brought no such malevolent mandate: but that the primate much loved the King and his people. Thus he gained access into the Young King's presence, where he bowed to him, and speaking humbly, he said:

970 "Thomas, the archbishop of Canterbury, legate of the Holy See of Rome and primate of the whole empire, greets King Henry, who is lord of England. Sire, you have heard enough said by others, wherefore that is why yet I am writing this letter to you.

971 "So that you may learn from me too, when your father was angry against me, that the good God has, by His grace, made peace between us and bound us in concord, harmony and love. But many have been infuriated by this.

972 And want me to quarrel with you, and have a evil intent, and want to undo and make disappear the love and peace: they say that I want to take away the crown from you! But not so! so help me God, whom we must serve, God who may grant me to be blessed with heavenly joy

973 How many kingdoms I would like you to have besides those which you already have, I would have conquered them for you with my own flesh, and spill a part of my blood, but not if I become accused before God, so may the Holy Trinity help me at the end.

974 So how is it that I seek to do you harm or to dishonour you, whom I behold as and must do [for you] as king and lord, heir and successor to the kingdom, whom I love above all men in faith and with affection except my lord the king, who placed me in this [position of] honour?

975 "However, [I must tell you of] of how much bitterness there is in my heart for not having placed the crown of gold upon your head, according to the privilege of our mother church.Therefore, by my letter, I beg your bounty to let me speak to you about this and other matters."

976 Well did Richard deliver this message. But his advisers counselled the young king not to speak at this time to the archbishop .And master Geoffrey Ridel said to him and swore that the old king had spoken from the heart to him about this:

977 That he did not want his son to talk to this man, who, if he could, would deprive him of the inheritance of his kingdom, and who would take away and remove the crown from his head. The young king then sent to the archbishop two knights: one among that number was Thomas de Tournebu.

[I am of the opinion that the King did not have any right to deny access into the presence of the King in Council by the archbishop of Canterbury, as the archbishop was legally a baron and in order of precedence, the second person in the kingdom. On this occasion when the Young King was discussing who would be candidates to fill the vacant bishops' sees, the archbishop should have been present.]

978 And Joscelin came to him on behalf of the king. He forbade the Archbishop to enter any of the King's refuges: vills, boroughs and castles -woe unto him if he is seen in any of them! The archbishop had already reached London in order to speak to the king; he had alighted at Southwark.

[The two knights were Joscelin of Leuven, younger brother of Adeliza, Queen of Henry I, together with a knight called Thomas of Turnebuke]

979 "What!" said St. Thomas, "do you defy me?" - "Not at all," said Jocelin, "but you are ordered to do this by the King, because you have acted very badly towards him: you want to overthrow the laws and customs of his kingdom, and take away the crown from the Young King,

980 "You pass through his country with armed knights, you bring with you clerics from foreign lands and countries, and you have cut off prelates from their ministries. Henry now wants you to absolve them because in this as in other matters, you did greatly insult him."

[The knights are almost accusing Becket of lèse-majesté.]

981 Then the valiant one could no longer remain silent, and answered, "that is not right," he said to him " I have never seen it before laid down that what has been done by a person of higher rank may be undone by one of lesser rank; because that which has been actually done, and fully confirmed by Pope may not be legitimately undone by one of lesser authority."

982 These madmen replied in one voice.: "If you do not submit to that which the King has commanded, he will exert his right, and you will punished for it dearly!" All this advice had been provided and drawn up by the three prelates who had been cut off from their ministries.

983 Then the noble one replied calmly to them saying that if the bishop of London and of Salisbury wished to come to him and swear to hold to the law of Holy Church and keep the peace, he was ready and willing to take up and bear the heavy responsibility of doing this,

984 And of the King's council, if he was willing, and with the advice of Roger of Worcester and the other bishops whom he had to consult, he would negotiate with humility [on their behalf] with the Apostolic honour [his holiness the Pope], and they would be very dear to him.

985 Joscelin then said, "since you persist in not wanting to absolve the King's prelates, the King has prohibited you access to his boroughs and cities, vills, and castles: woe unto you if you enter them! Go perform your ministry at Canterbury!

986 "How can I advise and monitor the churches and parishes, " said the saint, "if I cannot travel around to my flock? I cannot honourably perform my ministry." Having listened to such words the good man well understood that he must hastily come to his end as a martyr.

987 Bidding à Dieu, which is salvation to the righteous, he then turned back toward London and the City, where he made a halt, Many a miracle was performed by God at the place where he alighted, for the blind, cripples, the deaf, mute and lepers, who received both health and strength.

988 Bidding à Dieu to God he made his return. He set out along the road, thus the best one made his way. He confirmed children in the vills and boroughs, dismounting from his horse wherever they were brought to him. In no way did it seem painful to him to serve God:

989 Thus God was served willingly. There is no need to highlight all the places where he stopped to confirm children: you just have to find the chapels that have been built there. There God gives sight to the blind, hearing to the deaf, makes the dumb to speak, and the lepers are cleansed; the dead are revived to walk again.

990 Thus St. Thomas returned to his see, where he remained in his archbishopric for the rest of his life. Whenever he saw the poor, he took pity, working to serve God night and day. Well he knew he faced martyrdom. He had foretold this.


References

Constitutions of Clarendon: Mission of Richard, prior of Dover to the Young King, Dec 1170